FACTS  FOR  THE  PEOPLE. 


ANOTHER  LETTER  PROM  FRANCIS  D.  BLAIR. 


Fremoat  aad  BL,*ao:2  Masi  TitHapfe 

- “■* - -  V 

The  following  fact*  will  be  found  ip ‘A,:  eg 
t»nd  useful  to  spankera  *,ad  ,oihaiA  during  t .  t 

pn  sent*  canvas©. 

'4'jke,&il  abaorlpug  Iz  '■  >  C •/  '  - 

next  election  is,  ohallal  v....j  :•  a.J,  . 

institution  and  be  extended  i.  j  a iL  tat)  torrid 
sies  of  tee  tfnien,  or  shall  it  bO}Con£i3i.-i  to  ix 
preeoat  limits  t  On  this  subject  too  la  publican 
party  and  its  leaders  in  Illinois  occupy  precis  sly 
the  same  position  that  the  framers  of  the  Consti¬ 
tution,  the  founders  of  the  Republic  and  the 
leaders  of  the  Whig  and  Democratic  parties, 
with  the  single  exception  of  John  C.  Calhoun, 
occupied  up  to  the  time  of  the  repeal  of  the  Mis¬ 
souri  Compromise  in  1854.  Hence  both  Whigs 
and  Democrats  should  stand  together  and  de¬ 
fend  this  principle.  It  is  founded  in  the  eternal 
principles  of  right  and  justice.  Jefferson  enun¬ 
ciated  it  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  “All 
men  are  created  equal” — it  lies  at  the  base  of 
©nr  political  and  social  institutions — it  is  the 
foundation  of  our  national  prosperity  and  is  as 
©Id  as  the  government.  Here  is  the  proof: 

WHIG  AND  DEMOCRATIC  DOCTRINE  ONCE. 

The  following  is  one  of  the  famous  Fairfax 
County  Resolves,  adopted  at  a  public  meeting 
held  in  Fairfax  County,  in  Virginia,  the  16  th 
day  of  July,  1774,  over  which  General  Washing¬ 
ton  presided,  reported  by  the  committee  of  which 
he  was  chairman,  and,  by  direction  of  the  meet¬ 
ing,  reported  by  him  to  the  State  Convention 
heid  the  following  August :  ,• 

“Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meet¬ 
ing,  that  during  our  present  difficulties  and  dis¬ 
tress,  no  slaves  ought  to  be  imported  into  any 
of  the  British  colonies  on  this  continent ;  and 
we  take  this  opportunity  of  declaring  our  most 
earnest  wishes  to  see  an  entire  stop  forever  put 
to  such  a  wicked,  cruel,  and  unnatural  trade.” 

f:  LETTER  TO  ROBERT  MORRIS. 

“I  hope  it  will  not  bo  conceived  from  these 
observations,  that  is  my  wish  to  hold  the  unhap¬ 
py  people,  who  are  the  subject  of  this  letter 
(negroes)  in  slavery.  I  can  oniy  say  that  there  is 
not  a  man  living  who  wishes  more  sincerely 
than  I  do  to  see  a  plan  adopted  for  the  abolition 
of  it;  but  there  is  only  one  proper  and  effective 
mode  by  which  it  can  be  accomplished,  and  that 
is  by  legislative  authority  j  .a.q.4  |his,  so  far  as 
my  suffrage  will  go,  shall  never  be  wanting." — 
Spark’s  'Writings  of  Washington.  Vol.  9,  p.  158. 

S 


LETTER  TO  JOHN  IT.  MSRCBtt. 

“I  hover  me?:?,-- uni  at  a  some  particular  eir- 
cymsta^co.  should  compel  me  to  it,  to  posrfiB 
*■”'  J'er  f’-'va  v  %  it  being  among  my 

first  fs  zhts  U>  .->u ’  •■>..•!•>  *•  vAoi  by  whkMt 

y  ‘  (r-t«  csi  i  y  tm#  he  a'Mishci  by  law.” 

.  --Suns  voi.,p.  159.  ,  - 

■  -  a  .  -  A  j  t  in  1786  ;  the 
s c,x"  ./  .:■■■  O  . '»»'  of  1787  wa  .  enacted, 
f-sd  Ite  y.  a?  full  rr  ,-.g  Cj’an,  Washington  wes 
elected  Pim.lout  of  the  Unitjd  States  unr.ivi- 
mbusly. 

“  I  agree  with  yea  cordially  in  your  views  re¬ 
garding  negro  slavery.  I  have  long  considered 
it  a  most  sorious  evil,  both  socially  and  politi¬ 
cally,  and  I  should  rejoice  in  any  feasible  scheme 
to  rid  our  States  of  such  a  burden.  The  Con¬ 
gress  of  1787  adopted  an  ordinance  which  pro- 
nibits  the  extension  of  involuntary  servitude  in 
our  Northwestern  Territories  forever.  I  consi¬ 
der  it  a  wise  measure.  I  hope  we  shall  have  a 
confederacy  of  free  States.”—  Washington  to  Leo- 
fayette ,  1797. 

“I  do  not  wi3h  to  see  it  recognized  by  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  of  America, 
that  there  can  be  property  in  men. — Madison  in 
the  U.  S.  Constitutional  Convention. 

“That  after  the  year  1800  of  the  Christian  era 
there  shall  be  neither  slavery  nor  involuntary 
servitude  in  any  of  the  said  States,  otherwise 
than  iu  the  punishment  of  crimes,  whereof  the 
party  shall  have  been  convicted  to.  have  been 
personally  guilty.— Jefferson’s  Ordinance ,  1784. 

“We  will  go  to  the  verge  of  the  Constitution 
in  order  to  rid  our  country  of  this  curse.” — Ben. 
Franklin’s  Memorial  to  Congress. 

“  If  I  could  only  be  instrumental  in  ridding  of 
the  foul  blot  of  slavery  that  revered  State  that 
gave  me  birth,  or  that  no  less  beloved  State 
which  I  now  represent  upon  this  floor,  I  would 
not  exchange  the  honor  for  that  of  the  most  suc¬ 
cessful  conqueror  that  ever  lived. 

“  I  never  can,  and  never  will,  and  no  earthly 
power  will  over  make  me  vote  to  spread  slavery 
where  it  does  not  exist.” — Henry  Clay ,  1848. 

“  I  frankly  avow  my  unwillingness  to  do  any¬ 
thing  that  shall  extend  the  slavery  of  the  Afri¬ 
can  race  orer  this  continent  or  add  other  slave¬ 
holding  States  to  the?  Union. — Daniel  Webster , 
1837. 

“I  °hould  be  false  to  all  the  opinions  and 
principles  of  my  life  if  I  did  not  promptly  return 
an  emphatic  no  !  when  called  upon  to  accord  my 
sanction  to  a  jorm  of  governmant  which  perpet¬ 
uates  slavery. —  Caleb  Cashing ,  1836. 

“ Resolved ,  If  the  friends  of  liberty  should 
wait  for  leave  of  tyrants  to  abolish  tyranny,  the 
day  of  free  government  would  never  dawn  upon 
‘the  oppressed  millions  of  our  race.— Franklin 
Fierce,  1848. 


these  principles,  the  Mis¬ 
souri  Compromise  was  passed  in  1880,  by  which 
Slavery  was  prohibited  north  of  88  deg.,  80  min.; 
and  Missouri  was  admitted  as  a  slave  State.  The 
Sonth  were  nearly  unanimous  for  the  measure, 
and  a  portion  of  the  North  objected  to  it  for  the 
Mason  that  it  permitted  slavery  to  go  south  of 
that  line.  They  insisted  it  should  be  prohibited 
meryv>hore.\ 

Hear  what  Mr.  Douglas  himself  says  of  that 
Compromise  in  his  celebrated  Springfield  speech 
In  1849  : 

It  (the  Compromise)  had  become  canonized  in 
the  hearts  of  the  American  people  as  a  sacred 
thing,  which  no  ruthless  hand  would  ever  be 
reckless  enough  to  disturb.” 

In  the  session  of  Congress  in  1853-4,  Mr. 
Douglas  made  a  report  on  a  bill  which  proposed 
to  repeal  the  Missouri  act  of  1820,  in  which  he 
declared  ia  explicit  terms  that  the  repeal  of  the 
Missouri  Compromise  would  be  a  violation  o 
the  settling  measures  of  1850,  and  would  open 
tip  again  the  great  agitation  which  had  been  so 
happily  settled  by  that  measure.  Here  is  a  pas¬ 
sage  of  this  report.  -  He  says: 

“Tour  committee  do  not  feel  themselves  call¬ 
ed  upon  to  enter  into  the  discussion  of  these 
controverted  quotations.  They  involve  the  same 
grave  issues  which  produced  the  agitation,  the 
sectional  strife  and  fearful  struggle  of  1850.  A 
Congress  deemed  it  wise  and  prudent  to  refrain 
from  deciding  the  matters  in  controversy  then, 
either  by  affirming  or  repealing  the  Mexican 
laws,  or  by  an  act  declaratory  of  the  true  intent 
of  the  Constitution,  and  to  the  extent  of  the  pro¬ 
tection  afforded  by  it  to  slave  property  in  the 
Territories ;  so  your  committee  are  not  prepared 
now  to  recommend  a  departure  from  the  course 
pursued  on  that  memorable  occasion,  either  by 
affirming  or  repealing  the  8th  section  of  the  Mis¬ 
souri  act,  or  by  any  act  declaratory  of  the  mean¬ 
ing  of  the  Constitution  in  respect  to  the  legal 
points  in  dispute.” 

That  is  the  report  of  Mr.  Douglas,  made  in 
January,  1854;  and  not  made  by  by  Mr.  Doug¬ 
las,  of  Illinois,  alone ;  but  made  by  him  as  chair¬ 
man  of  a  committee  of  Southern  orig:n  and 
Southern  principles,  to  which  had  been  referred 
the  questions  of  the  Territories  of  the  United 
States  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States.  It  was 
received  without  a  murmur  by  the  entire  South¬ 
ern  portion  of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States. 

And  yet  this  compromise,  so  “sacred,”  so 
“•anoniz  din  the  hearts  of  the  American  peo¬ 
ple  as  a  sacred  thing,”  Mr.  Douglas  and  Mr. 
Pierce  with  “ruthless  hand”  did  “disturb” and 
repeal.  The  object  of  that  repeal  was  to  open 
the  way  for  slavery  to  go  into  Kansas. 

Then  and  Now. 

Mr.  Buchanan  in  his  letter  to  Robert  G.  Scott, 
just  before  the  meeting  of  the  Baltimore  Con- 
uentionof  1852,  wrote  as  follows  of  what  were 
•ailed  the  compromise  measures : 

“  In  what  estimation  would  the  civilized 
world  hold  the  conduct  of  one  of  the  parties  to  a 
solemn  treaty  of  peace  between  independent  na- 
feoas*  who,  whilst  himself  ia  the  beneAt  of  all 


the  enjoyments  stipulated  in  his  flavor,  and  m 
which  he  knows  he  can  never  be  disturbed, 
should  he  then  turn  round,  and,  merely  because 
he  possesses  the  power,  deprive  the  other  party 
of  the  only  equivalent  he  had  reoeived  under  thin 
very  treaty  ? 

“  But  I  forbear  to  pursue  this  subject.  In  my 
opinion,  the  harmony  of  the  States  and  thepros- 
perity — it  may  be  the  preservation — of  the  Union 
depend  upon  the  maintenance  and  faithful  exe¬ 
cution  of  all  the  compromise  measures.  It  is  notv 
too  laU  in  the  day  to  go  behind  the  reoord  and 
discuss  tneir  original  merited 

A  “change”  has  comejover  Mr. ’Buchanan, as 
there  did  over  Gen  Cass  in  1848  ;  and  we  may 
add  that  a  corresponding  change  has  come  over 
the  people. 

POSITION  or  THH  DOUGLAS- BUCHANAN  PARTY. 

That  it  is  pledged  to  extend  slavery  is  proved 
by  its  orators  and  recognized  organs. 

Speaking  of  the  Cincinnati  Platform  the  N. 
Y.  Day  Book,  a  recognized  Buchanan  journal, 
reciving  its  support  from  the  Custom  Houses 
says : 

“Shall  the  Democratie  party  fear  this  issuer 
to  oppose  the  extension  of  slavery  ?  No,  indeed, 
a  thousand  times,  a  million  times,  No;  THERB 
IS  NOT  A  SINGLE  DEMOCRAT  IN  THE 
WHOLE  NORTH  OPPOSED  TO  THE  EX¬ 
TENSION  OF  SOUTHERN  SOCIETY,  OR 
SO-CALLED  EXTENSION  OF  “SLAVERY,* 
and  they  only  wait  to  have  the  truth  spoken  out 
and  things  called  by  their  right  names  to  sweep 
the  abolition  imposture  from  the  Republic,  and 
to  bury  its  besotted  fools  in  the  profoundest 
depths — the  lowest  possible  depths  in  the  public 
contempt.” 

But  the  Day  Boole  goes  even  further  than  this. 
Not  content  with  extending  negro  slavery,  it 
advocates  the  enslavemeut  of  poor  white  people. 
Alluding  to  the  condition  of  the  latter  class,  tt 
utters  the  following  language: 

“  Sell  the  parents  of  these  children  into  SLA¬ 
VERY.  Let  our  Legislature  pass  a  law  that 
whosoever  will  take  these  parents  and  take  car# 
of  them  and  their  OFFSPRING,  in  sickness  and 
in  health — clothe  them,  feed  them,  and  home 
them — shall  be  legally  entitled  to  their  services  ; 
and  let  the  same  legislature  decree  that  whoso¬ 
ever  receives  these  parents  and  their  CHIL¬ 
DREN,  and  obtains  their  services,  shall  take 
care  of  them  AS  LONG  AS  THEY  LIVE.” 

The  National  Democratic  Committee  at  Wash¬ 
ington  has  ordered  thousands  of  copies  of  this 
scandalous  journal  for  general  distribution 
weekly  throughout  the  country.  They  were 
scattered  broadcast  through  Iowa  previous  t« 
the  election  in  that  State,  and  they  are  now  be¬ 
ing  extensively  circulated  in  Illinois. 

Thus  speaks  the  Richmond  Enquirer  : 

“  It  is  in  vaiB,  it  is  folly  longer  to  disguise  Shs 
issue,  it  is  Slavery  or  no  'Slavery.1* 

The  Charleston  Evening  Eesee  says  : 

“  The  issue  is  Slavery  or  no  Slavery,  it  is  in 
less  to  disguise  it.” 

The  New  York  Day  Book  declares  it  t©  be  the 
issue  and  says: 

“  Wee  to  those  of  the  Democratic  party  wire 
flinch  taa  t Lc 


In  accordance  with 


%  -7  / 


3 


The  W asbington  Umon,  declare#  it  to  be  the 
ibaue  ef  the  day. 

,  Thus  speaks  ft  Southern  politician  : 

MWe  Southerners  intend  to  make  slavery  na¬ 
tional  Dot  sectional  even  at  the  cost  of  making 
&  new  southern  nation,  an  independent  slave 
nation  of  our  own.  All  compromise  must  be 
abolished  and  slavery  made  national.” 

READ  Tam. 

The  Richmond  Enquirer,  the  leading  Douglas 
and  Buchanan  organ  at  the  South,  holds  the 
following  language : 

“Repeatedly  have  we  asked  the  North,  ‘Has 
not  the  experiment  of  universal  liberty  failed.? 
Are  not  the  evils  of  free  society  insufferable  ?  and 
do  not  most  thinking  men  among  us  propose  to 
subvert  it?’  Still  no  answer.  The  gloomy  si¬ 
lence  is  another  conclusive  proof,  added  to 
many  other  conclusive  evidences  we  have  fur¬ 
nished,  thaty>«e  society  in  the  long  run  is  an  im¬ 
practicable  form  of  society;  it  is  everywhere 
starving,  demoralized*  insurrectionary.  We 
repeat,  then,  that  policy  and  humanity  alike 
forbid  the  extension  c,f  the  evils  of  free  society  to 
new  people  and  coding  generations.  Two  op¬ 
posite  and  conflic  ting  forms  of  society  cannot, 
among  civilized  r^n,  co-exist  and  endure.  The 
one  must  give  w  -ay  and  cense  to  exist — the  other 
become  universal,  if  free  society  be  unnatural, 
immojal,  unchristian,  it  must  fall  and  give  way 
to  a  slave  soc  Uty — a  system  as  old  as  the  world, 
universal  as..  man ” 

The  Mu  .geo gee  (Ala .)  Herald,  another  Buchan¬ 
an  orgar  says  : 

“  Fr f  &  society !  we  sicken  of  the  name.  What 
is  it  b  4t  the  conglomeration  of  greasy  mechanics, 
filthTy  operatives,  small  fisted  farmers,  and  moon 
street  theorists?  All  the  Northern  and  especi¬ 
ally  the  New  England  States,  are  devoid  of  so- 
*' jety  fitted  for  well  bred  gentleme  n.  The  pre¬ 
vailing  class  one  meets  is  that  of  mechanics 
■Struggling  to  be  genteel,  and  small  farmers  who 
do  their  own  drudgery  ;  and  yet  who  are  hardly 
fit  for  associating  with  a  Southern  gentleman’s 
body  servant.  That  is  your  tree  Bociety  which 
the  Northern  hordes  are  endeavoring  to  extend 
into  Kansas.” 

NO  MORE  XREB  STATES. 

The  Richmond  Enquirer  is  also  loudly  pro¬ 
claiming  that  there  shall  be  no  more  free  States. 
Here  is  the  programme  as  laid  down  in  a  re¬ 
cent  number  of  that  paper : 

“  With  Kansas  to  back  them  in  the  Senate, 
the  South  can  compel  the  fulfillment  of  the  stip¬ 
ulations  of  the  Texas  treaty,  by  RESISTING 
THE  ADMISSION  OF  OTHER  FREE 
STATES.” 

MR.  BUCHANAN  SOUND  OX  THE  SLAVERY  ISSUE— 
THE  SECTIONAL  CANDIDATE  OX  THE  SOUTH. 

The  Charleston  Mercury,  a  leading  Southern 
Bnchanan  journal,  says : 

“We  have,  in  former  articles,  reviewed  Mr. 
Buchanan’s  career  upon  the  tariff  and  internal 
improvements;  and  we  now  come  to  his  course 
in  reference  to  slavery.  Upoa  this  point  we 
shall  deal  fully— and  we  invite  the  attention  of 
our  readers  to  the  proofs,  that  Mr.  Buchanan  is, 
in  ail  respects,  on  this  question,  enthUod  ts  the 
support  of  the  people  of  the  South.  How  any  one 
acquainted  with  our  political  history  for  the 
past  twenty  years,  and  the  course  of  public  men 
during  that  period,  mw  now  arraign,  Mr.  Bu¬ 
chanan  as  unsound  upon  the  question  of  slat  era 


we  are  wholly  a4  a  Use  to  oonooive.  JgnosvCM 

or  misconception  is  the  only  solution. 

“  But  to  the  question—*  Is  Mr.  Bu  ihauaa 
sound  on  slavery  ?’  This  is  the  question,  above 
all  others,  to  be  answered  satisfactorily.  It 
would  be  enough  to  show  that  from  the  first 
day  Mr.  Buchanan  came  into  Congress  ho  the 
present  time,  he  had  never  given  a  vote,  or 
tend  a  word,  hostile  to  the  institution  of 
0?  which  could  possibly  give  enof^ragemeut  to 
abolitionism.  E we  cutttr^  ^  m9r4xfutn 

a  mere  negative  friendship  to  ttu  South.  We  ao- 

sert  that  he  ha  <r%ev*r  fasted  to  advocate  her  right* 
whenever  they  have  been  assailed.” 

The  Richmond  Enquirer  makes  the  following 
truthful  synopsis  of  Mr.  Buohauan’s  qualifier 
tions  as  the  candidate  of  the  South : 

“1.  In  1880  Mr.  Buchanan  supported  a  hill  to 
prohibit  the  circulation  of  abolition  papers 
through  the  mail. 

“  2.  In  the  same  year  he  proposed  and  voted 
for  the  admission  of  Arkansas. 

“8.  In  1836-7,  he  denounced  and  voted  to  re¬ 
ject  petitions  for  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the 
District  of  Columbia. 

“4.  In  1887,  he  voted  for  Mr.  Calhoun’s  fa¬ 
mous  resolution,  defining  the  rights  of  the  States 
and  the  limits  of  federal  authority,  and  affirm¬ 
ing  it  to  be  the  duty  of  the  government  to  pro¬ 
tect  and  uphold  the  institution  of  the  South. 

“  5.  In  1888,  ’39  and  ’40  he  invariably  voted 
with  Southern  Senators  against  the  considera¬ 
tion  of  anti-slavery  petitions. 

“  6.  In  1844-5,  he  advocated  and  voted  for  the 
annexation  of  Texas. 

“7.  In  1847,  he  sustained  the  Clayton  Com¬ 
promise. 

“  In  1850,  he  proposed  and  urged  the  the  ex¬ 
tension  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  to  the  Pa¬ 
cific  Ocean. 

“  9.  But  he  promptly  acquiesced  in  the  Com¬ 
promise  of  ’50,  and  employed  all  his  influence  in 
favor  of  the  faithful  execution  of  the  Fugitive 
Slave  law. 

“  10.  In  1854,  he  remonstrated  against  an 
enactment  of  the  Pennsylvania  Legislature  for 
obstructing  the  arrest  and  return  of  fugitive 
slaves. 

“  11.  In  1854,  he  negotiated  for  the  acquisition 
of  Cuba. 

“12.  In  1856,  approves  the  repeal  of  the  Mis¬ 
souri  restriction,  and  supports  the  principle  of 
the  Kansas-Nebraska  act. 

“  13.  He  never  gave  a  vote  against  th®  inter¬ 
ests  of  slavery,  and  never  uttered  a  word  which, 
could  pain  the  most  sensitive  Southern  heart.” 

WHO  ARE  THE  DISUNIONISTg. 

The  following  extracts  are  selected  from  an- 
thentic  records  of  opinion  expressed  by  men, 
all  of  whom  are  now  prominent  supporters  of 
Buchanan  or  Fillmore : 

By  Senator  Yulee,  of  Florida — 

“  For  my  p*rt  I  am  ready  to  proceed  to  #»» 
treme  measures,  even  to  the  dissolution  of  tb« 
Union.” 

By  Senator  Brown,  of  Missicsippi — 

“If  the  Wilmot  Proviso  is  adopted,  it  will 
raise  a  storm  that  will  sweep  away  this  Union, 
and  I  pray  God  devoutly  it  will  do  so.” 

By  Mr.  Morse,  of  Louisiana — 

“The  south«rn  man  who  will  staad  «p  and 
say  that  he  is  for  th#  OnioD,  ‘now  and  for #v#r,* 
is  mor#  dangerous  to  th#  p«opl«  h#  represents 
than  tkos#  Kb#  ar#  in  #p®n  hostility.  If  Bafc- 

roraii  be  trammeled  with  a  preamble  declaring 


4 


the  Territory  now  free,  I  am  willing  to  dis¬ 
solve  the  Union/’ 

By  Mr.  Stanton,  of  Tennessee — 

“When  the  Wilmot  Proviso  is  adopted,  I 
and  the  South  are  ready  to  walk  out  of  the  Un¬ 
ion.” 

By  Senator  Bntlsr,  of  South  Carolina— 

"I  do  sot  make  the  salvation  of  tho  Union  the 
paramount  question.” 

By  SofiatorJltasoB,  of  Virginia. — 

“It  is  timeiao  yoke  was  thrown  off  and  the 
question  settled/’ 

By  Mr.  Golaock,  of  Georgia-- 

“If Use  Wilnaot  Previ  a  eh'ir' '  pan?. in  ary 
foru.  7  will  invxodace  a,  bill  fen*  tfacd...  ion  oi 

tbo 


In  a  recent  letter  deolining  an  invitation  to 
attend  a  barbacue  at  Baton  Rouge,  8enator  Sli¬ 
dell  of  liouisiana  says: 

“  I  do  not  hesitate  to  declare  that  the  Union, 
oannot  and  ought  not  to  be  preserved.” 

KANSAS. 

We  have  not  room  to  enter  fully  into  this  sub¬ 
ject.  A  bogus  legislature  wag  elected  by  armed 
Missouri  ruffians,  who  took  possession  of  the 
polls  and  drove  away  the  Free  State  settlers  at 
the  peril  of  their  lives.  They  enacted  laws 
wL’oh Gen.  Cars  has  pronounced  “a  disgrace  to 
hurrianity  and  to  the  fge  in  which  we  live/’ 
1*  ere  is  a  specimen  c-.  i .  e  laws,  denying  the 
liberty  of  speech  and  of  the  press:  "■ 


Br  If  ■'?■■■  i'"  T.  ■  *• 


p,v  *  .  -j  i.  ?;  a  ■  «,.  fo:  )  ■  V  «, .  vj  „ ,  ” 

By  £t%  IsteWittic,  QfMfgi*'  ’rip'-.t  — 

“The  paople  of  the  8oath  knc;r  th  iir  : 

'  and  wilt  maintain  the  n  at  fell  Lizard:;,  qvcl. 
should  disunion  result.  *  *  *  Tab  South 
mnot .  doiend  their  rights  at  the  expense  ol 

blood.” 

The  following  resolutio  r  was  adopted  at  a 
Congressional  caueus  of  southern  democrats, 
held  in; Washington  in  Jacuary;tl849  : 

“Resolved,  That  the  dissolution  of  the  Union 
is  preferable  to  the  submission  of  the  South  to 
the  Wilmot  Proviso.” 

The  following  toasts  were  drank  at  a  Demo¬ 
cratic  4th  of  July  celebration,  at  Atchison  City, 
Kansas : 

“  Disunion.— By  secession  cr  otherwise— a 
beacon  of  hope  to  an  oppressed  people,  and  the 
surest  remedy  for  southern  wrongs.  [Enthusi¬ 
astic  cheers.]” 

“  The  city  of  Atchison — May  she,  before  the 
close  of  the  year  ’57,  be  the  capital  of  a  South¬ 
ern  Republic.  [Cheers.]” 

The  Hon.  Preston  S.  Brooks,  in  a  speech  made 
in  Columbia,  S.  C.,  on  the  29th  of  August  last, 
as  reported  in  the  Carolina,  Times,  says : 

“Oa  the  second  Monday  in  November  next  the 
great  question  would  be  decided.  For  his  part, 
if  Fremont,  the  traitor  to  his  section,  should  be 
successful,  it  wa3  his  deliberate  opinion  that  on 
the  fourth  of  March  next  the  people  of  the  South 
should  rise  in  their  might,  march  to  Washing¬ 
ton,  and  seize  the  archives  and  the  Treasury  of 
the  Government.  We  should  anticipate  them, 
and  force  them  to  attack  us.” 

Hear  the  Charleston  Mercury,  good  authority 
with  all  Buchanan  men,  upon  this  subject: 

“Upon  the  policy  of  dissolving  the  Union,  or 
separating  the  South  from  her  Northern  enemies, 
and  establishing  a  Southern  Confederacy,  par 
ties,  presses,  politicians  and  people  at  the  South 
are  a  unit.  There  is  not  a  single  public  man  in 
her  limits,  not  one  of  her  pr  esent  Representatives 
cr  Senators  in  Congress,  who  is  not  pledged  to 
the  lips  in  favor  of  disunion.  Indeed,  we  well 
remember  that  one  of  our  most  promiuent  lead¬ 
ers  of  the  co-operation  party,  when  taunted  with 
submission,  rebuked  ihe  thought  by  saying, 

‘  that  in  opposing  Secession  he  only  took  a  step 
backwards  to  strike  a  blow  more  deadly  against 
the  Union.” 


“If  ray  r-sv^u,  by  rp^akinr  or  by  writ- 
c;-:  :  v-  i;.  persons  have  not 

r  gfi  ■  to  fc  ?  » ••••*  ia  th'  .  Territory,  print, 

>  ■ 'o  •wr“%  cl  3*!*te,.cr  caaus  to  be  iniro- 

i  i  i  )  W/  'tt-fl,  printed,  pub- 

iCt  on  "ml  •*'>i  iff  big  Territory,  any  book, 
paper,  p*-  •>'  ®t>f. or  circular  contain¬ 

ing  any  dajiiif  o':  ti>erig  , ,  of;  persons  to  held 
laves  iu  this  Territory,  '-such  person  shall  be 
rieemed  guilty  of  felony  cjid  punished  by  impri¬ 
sonment  at  hard  labor  for  a  Venn  of  net  less  than 
two  years.” 

Another  article  for  similar  offences,  enacts 
that  a  ball  and  chain  shall  be  fastened  around 
the  ancles  of  offenders  and  they  shall  be  made 
to  work  on  the  public  highways.  The  Free 
State  Hotel  was  burned  by  an  armed  mob;  print¬ 
ing  presses  have  been  thrown  into  the  Missouri 
and  Kansas  Rivers ;  murders  and  arsons,  and 
every  species  of  crime  have  been  committed  in 
that  devoted  Territory,  and  yet  all  these  outra¬ 
ges  have  been  virtually  indorsed  by  the  admin¬ 
istration  at  Washington. 

Only  a  few  weeks  ago  a  large  force  from  Mis¬ 
souri  invaded  Kansas.  The  purpose  of  this  in¬ 
vasion  is  very  decidedly  expressed  in  the  fol¬ 
lowing  extract  from  as  letter  published  in  the 
Richmond  (Ya.)  Whig,  dated  Kansas  City,  Au¬ 
gust  19 : 

“  We  will  go  in  this  time  with  a  force  suffi¬ 
cient  to  clean  out  Kansas,  you  may  rely  on  that; 
and  this  attack  will  make  Kansas  a  slave  State 
beyond  all  doubt.  Let  me  assure  you  that  Mis¬ 
sourians  will  never  go  into  Kansas  again  with¬ 
out  driving  out  the  last  scoundrel.  Before  eight 
days  have  elapsed,  Missouri  will  send  in  five 
thousand  ‘border  ruffiians,’  and  they  will  never 
leave  as  long  as  there  is  an  abolitionist  in  that 
beautiful  Territory.  They  have  been  there 
twice,  and  the  third  time  will  tell  the  tale. 
Nothing  is  surer  now  than  that  Kansas  will  be 
a  slave  State.” 

Freemen  in  Kansas  have  nothing  to  expect 
from  Mr.  Buchanan.  Under  the  administration 
of  Mr.  Pierce  they  have  suffered  the  most  terri¬ 
ble  wrongs  recorded  in  our  history.  The  Cin¬ 
cinnati  Convention  thu3  indorses  hi3  adminis¬ 
tration  :  . 

Resolved,  That  the  administration  of  Frank¬ 
lin  Pierce  has  been  true  to  Democratic  princi¬ 
ples,  and  therefore  true  to  the  gre*.  interests  of 
the  country :  in  the  face  of  the  viola \%  opposi¬ 
tion,  he  has  maintained  the  laws  at  home,  and 


therefore  we  proclaim  IffigT*  OUR  UNQUALI¬ 
FIED  APPROBATION  OF  HIS  MEASURES 
AND  POLICY. 

Here  the  administration  of  Mr.  Pierce,  with 
all  the  fearful  wrongs  he  has  caused  to  poor 
bleeding  Kansas,  is  fully  indorsed.  The  report 
of  the  Congressional  Committee' on  Kansas  Af¬ 
fairs  establishes  all  these  charges. 

THE  REFOBUO  TO  BE  SOLD  OUT  TO  OBBAT  BRIT¬ 
AIN. 

Hear  the  Richmond  Enquirer  on  this  subject: 

“We  are  heartily  sick  and  disgusted  with  the 
canting  and  mercenary  hypocrites  pf  Yankeedom. 
This  Kansas  war  will'enable’us  to  get  rid  of  them, 
or  turn  the  tables  upon  them,  and  render  them 
a  source  of  progt  instead  of  expense.  It  will 
enable  us  to  regain  our  own — pilfered  from  us  by 
many  a  sharp  transaction.  It  will  enable  us  to 
build  up  our  country  by  the  recapture  of  the 
millions  of  which  we  have  been  plundered.  It 
will  enable  us  to  get  rid  of  the  Yankee  Presi¬ 
dents,  and  to  preserve  Anglo-Saxon  freedom  by 
reviving  the  old  connection  with  the  mother 
country.  (Who  would  not  rather  be  ruled  over 
by  a  tady  like  Queen  Yictoria,  than  aay  nasal- 
twanged  gentleman  the  Yankee  land  can  pro¬ 
duce?)  It  will  enable  us,  with  the  United 
States  South.,  on  one  side,  in  the  close  alliance 
with  England  and  Canada  on  the  other,  very 
speedily  to  bring  those  long-nrayared  sharper* 
to  their  sense.*',  by  confining  them  to  the  starv¬ 
ing  soil  on  which  they  were  bora,  and  te  the 
thin  air  around  them.’* 

FREMONT  AND  BUCHANAN — TUB  CONTRAST. 

Free  labor — the  natural  capital  which  consti¬ 
tutes  the  real  wealth  of  this  great  country,  and 
creates  that  intelligent  power  in  the  masses 
alone  to  be  relied  on  as  the  bulwark  of  free  in¬ 
stitutions.—  John  G.  Fremont's  Letter  of  Accept¬ 
ance. 

Reduce  ©ur  nominal  to  the  real  standard  of 
prices  throughout  the  world,  and  you  cover  our 
country  with  blessings  and  benefits. — See  Bu¬ 
chanan's  Speech  on  Low  Wages ,  Files'  Register, 
vol.  7,  p.  420. 

At  the  time  this  sentiment  was  uttered  “  the 
real  standard  of  prices  throughout  the  world” 
for  labor  per  day  was  about  tea  cents.  Hence 
the  name  of  “  Ten  Csnt  Jimmy  !”  Don’t  he  de¬ 
serve  it  ? 

UR.  BUCHANAN  A  FILLIBUSTER. 

Here  is  the  Ostend  Manifesto,  with  the  sig¬ 
natures  of  American  Ministers— Soule,  Minister 
to  Spain,  Mason,  to  France,  and  Buchanan ,  to 
England— and  kid  before  the  Spanish  Govern¬ 
ment  at  Madrid. 

This  honorable  and  conservative  trio ,  after  argu- 
iag  the  case  to  show  that  the  Spanish  Govern¬ 
ment  ought  to  sell  Cuba  to  the  United  States, 
proceed  in  this  wise : 

“  After  we  shall  have  offered  Spain  a  price  for 
Cuba  far  beyond  its  present  value,  and  this  shall 
have  been  refused,  it  will  |hen  be  time  to  con¬ 
sider  the  question — doe3  Cuba,  in  the  possession 
of  Spain,  seriously  endanger  our  internal  peace 
and  the  existence  of  our  cherished  Union? 
Should  this  question  be  answered  in  the  affirm¬ 
ative,  then  by  every  law,  human  and  divine,  we 
shall  be  justified  in  wresting  it  from  Spain  if  wt 
possess  the  power.” 


The  Filliuster8  know  their  man.  La  Verdad, 
the  Spanish  newspaper  published  by  the  Cuban 
Filibusters  jn  New  York,  goes  in  strong  for  Bu¬ 
chanan,  as  just  the  man  who  will  earry  ®ut  ite 
views,  i.  e.,  pick  a  quarrel  with  Spain  for  the  pur¬ 
pose  of  getting  Cuba  and  its  slaves.  It  says : 

“We  sincerely  desire  that  he  (Buchanan)  and 
no  other  may  be  chosen  to  guide  the  high  desti¬ 
nies  of  this  great  nation.  If,  as  may  happen, 
the  affairs  of  Mexico  and  Spain  become  compli¬ 
cated,  no  President  can  serve  us  (i.  e.t  the  Fili¬ 
busters)  so  well  as  the  champion  of  the  Dtfrnoo- 
racy,  whose  opinions  respecting  Cuba  are  known 
to  our  readers.  Consequently  w«  are  for  Bu¬ 
chanan.” 

Hear  also  another  witness : 

Hon.  Lawrenco  M.  Keitt  of  South  Carolina  is 
a  good  Democrat  and  a  good  friead  ®f  Mr.  Bu¬ 
chanan,  is  he  not?  Ha  is  a  fair  representative 
of  his  party,  is  he  not  ?  Well,  let  us  see  what 
he  has  to  say  on  the  subject  of  fillibusterism,  as 
the  legitimate  corollary  of  the  Os  tend  Manifesto. 
While  recruiting  hia  exhausted  energies  at  the 
White  Sulphur  Springs,  expended  in  defending 
his  colleague  Bully  Brooks,  he  received  an  in¬ 
vitation  to  give  an  exposition  of  democratic 
principles  at  Lynchburg,  Va.,  and  thereon  the 
evening  of  the  10th  inst.  he  made  an  elaborate 
speech,  in  which  the  following  passage"  cecums- 

“  I  go  with  the  Democratic  party  for  the  pres¬ 
ent,  because  it  is  the  best  party.  [Cheers  ]  If 
that  party  deviates  from  the  right  line  of  policy, 
I  will  oppose  it.  [Cheers.]  I  say  never  will  I 
act  with  any  party  that  does  not  stand  upon  the 
Constitution — I  mean  for  the  rights  of  the  South. 
[Loud  Cheers.]  I  go  with  it  now  because  it  is  a 
gallant  party — because  it  is  a  progressive  party 
— because  it  is  a  conservative  party.  [Cheers.] 
We  have  before  us  a  great  country.  We  have 
two  races,  the  Latin  and  the  Anglo-Saxon,  and 
with  sucli  elements  composing  the  population  of 
our  country  our  destiny  must  be  a  noble  and  ex¬ 
alted  one.  They  love  progress,  and  the  first 
step  in  that  direction  is  the  acquisition  of 
Cuba.  [Loud  and  ennthusiastic  cheers.] 
Standing  on  your  Southern  shores,  the 
sentinel  on  our  watchtowers,  it  must  bo 
ours,  or  the  South  is  exposed  to  invasion.  Yes, 
it,  must  be  ours,  and  I  have  no  objection  to  the 
fiilibusters  taking  it.  [Loud  cheers.]  Take  it, 
and  we  will  pay  for  it  afterwards.  [Tremendous 
cheers  ]  Take  it — I  care  set  in  what  manner — 
and  then  we  will  roll  into  is  a  Gulf  Stream  of 
Southern  population  that  will  make  it  truly  ths 
gem  of  tho  Antilles.  Extensively  guarded,  by 
nature  protected,  roll  into  it  your  Southern 
population,  and  the  navie3  of  all  the  earth  m&y 
thunder  around  its  shores  and  they  will  thunder 
in  V3in.  [Loud  cheer  *.]  Ye?,  controlling  tfca 
commerce  of  the  West  for  three  thousand  miles, 
and  controlling  also  the  commerce  of  the  East, 
through  the  greater  enterprise  and  commercial 
spirit  of  our  population,  Cuba  would  be  what 
Palmyra  was  in  ancient  times,  if  it  once  throws 
off  the  despotism  of  Spanish  rule.  [Loud 
cheers  ]  The  Democratic  party  can  and  will  take 
it.  [Cheers.]  The  destiny  of  that  party  is  in¬ 
deed  a  noble  destiny.” 

IMPORTANT  POLITICAL  STATISTICS. 

Of  the  6,622,418  white  inhabitants  of  the  South 
only  847,525  are  owners  of  slaves,  jet  this  fac¬ 
tion  controls  every  branch  of  the  Federal  Gov- 


6 


entwmi,  and  wields  tt«  inflate*  for  the  iu- 

orenue  and  perpetnation  of  slavery.  Annexed  is 

*  olawifi  cation  ef  the  slaveholders  in  1850 : 

Betters*'. .  1  slave  06.820 

**  M .  1  and  under  5  1  6  963 


84 

84 

88 

“  SO 

54  765 

84 

84 

44 

“  50 

29,731 

• 

84 

44 

“  100 

6  196 

84 

84 

46 

“  200 

1,479 

88 

84 

44 

“  2  9 

187 

84 

84 

44 

“  500 

56 

•• 

84 

1  4 

“  1008 

9 

M 

84 

64 

over 

2 

Total  nmmkw  of  tlaveholdera . 347  526 

Tae  Oongreasioaal  representation  of  the  Free 
and  Slave  States  ia  aa  follows : 


a.  s.  San  ;t*. 

Sixteen  Free  States  with 
a  white  popu'ation  of  18, 
938,679  hare  32  Senators. 

Fifteen  Slave  Slates,  with 
a  population  of  6,186,477 
have  80  Senators. 

So  that  413,7,4  Free  men 
of  the  N orth  enj  oy  but  the 
famepolitic&l  privileges  in 
the  United  States  Senate 
that  are  given  to  206,215 
Slave  Propagandists. 


Bowsa  OF  RJB*. 

The  Free  State*  have  a 
total  of  144  members. 

The  Slave  States  have  a 
total  *f  90  members. 

One  Free  State  Represen¬ 
tative  represents  91,936 
White  men  and  women. 

One  Slave  State  Rp«re- 
seafcative  represents  58,726 
white  mea  and  women. 

Slave  Representation 

Ces  to  Slaverv  an  advan- 
e  over  Freedom  of  21 
vote*  in  the  House  of  Rep- 
reseatatives. 

The  Fast  Office  statistic*  for  a  single  year  ar 
int«reeMng,  exhibiting  as  they  do  the  advantages 
derived  in  this  department  of  governmental  econ¬ 
omy  by  the  South  at  the  expense  of  the  North. 
We  annex  a  brief  statement : 

Chief  I  tern  3  of  Aooount.  Free  States.  Slave  States 
Aaeant  reo’d  for  Postage.  84.891. 860.88  $1  486.984  88 

Pa*  ter  traa-tp’a  of  Mads,  2.861,^7.19  2  087.2 66  06 


82,019,253.64  8609,281.99 

The  ab*ve  shows  that  there  is  received  yearly 
lx  the  free  States,  two  millions  of  dollars  ($2,- 
000,889)  m+re  thesi  is  expended,  while  in  the 
slave  States  the  empendiUt res  exceed  the  receipts 
•rer  six  hundred  thousand  dollars,  ($600,000.) 
With  all  its  boasted  wealth  and  chivalry,  the 
Seuth  doe*  not  pay  its  own  postage.  And  the 
Majority,  by  which  she  usually  carries  her  ob¬ 
noxious  measures,  is  composed  of  the  twbnty- 
•**  members  she  has  in  the  House  to  represent 
her  negroes.  This  was  specially  so  in  the  ease 
«f  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill. 


SLAVERY  Ilf  TUB  STATES. 

The  Republican  party  does  not  propose  to  in¬ 
terfere  in  any  way  with  slavery  where  it  now  ex¬ 
ist*.  It  recognizes  to  the  fullest  exteut  the  ex- 
dlmsive  right  of  the  slaveholding  States  to  regu¬ 
late  the  iBstitutiou  within  their  respective  lim¬ 
its.  It  dees  net  propose,  in  fact,  to  abolish  or 
in  any  way  interfere  with  slavery  any  where ; 
lmt  it  simply  opposes  its  extension  into  territo¬ 
ries  heretofore  solemnly  dedicated  to  freedom  by 
the  joint  astiea  of  the  slaveholding  and  free 
JBtatee.  Examine  the  Republican  platform  below 
and  see  if  this  is  not  so.  Away  then  with  the 
infamous  charge  of  Abolitionism  and  the  un¬ 
scrupulous  demagogues  who  make  it. 

MR.  BUCMANAN’g  OPINION  OP  COL.  FREMONT. 

A  reseat  steamer  from  England  brought  an 
important  document,  in  whioh  two  of  the  candi¬ 
dates  new  before  the  people  for  the  Presidency 


prominently  figure.  It  is  a  certified  eopy  of  the 
evidence  for  the  defenoe  in  the  ease  of  Gibbs  vs, 
Frement,  being  the  eopy  of  depositions  taken 
before  the  Commissioners  under  the  authority 
of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas,  London,  in  18iS. 
It  will  be  remembered  that  Col.  Fremont  was 
arrested  in  London  on  account  of  debts  contract¬ 
ed  in  California.  The  defence  was,  that  these 
debts  were  contracted. on  account  of  the  United 
States  Government.  Col.  Fremont  drew  bills  of 
exchange  to  the  amount  of  nineteen  thousand 
five  hundred  dollars  upon  the  Secretary  of  State 
of  the  United  States,  the  liabilities  having  been 
incurred  on  Government  account  while  Col,  Fre¬ 
mont  was  Governor  of  California.  The  bills  fell 
into  the  hands  of  persons  in  London,  and  being 
protested  for  non-acceptance,  the  holders  sought 
to  hold  Col.  Fremont  personally  responsible. 
The  evidence  of  James  Buchanan,  of  Pennsyl¬ 
vania— upon  whom,  as  Secretary  of  State,  the 
bills  were  drawn — being  considered  material  to 
the  issue,  the  Court  appointed  Henry  L.  Gilpin, 
Hugh  Campbell  and  Peter  McCall,  of  PhiladeL 
phia,  Commissioners  to  take  depositions  ef  wit¬ 
nesses  for  Col.  Fremont  in  Pennsylvania.  They 
were  to  be  sworn  and  then  adm  inister  oaths  to 
interpreters,  clerks,  Ac. — the  testimony  so  taken 
to  be  sent  to  Sir  James  Parks,  Chief  Juatfee  of 
the  Common  Pleas. 

We  have  this  testimony  now  before  us  in  full, 
but,  from  its  length,  must  content  ourselves 
with  giving  its  more  material  portions. 

First,  as  to  the  credit  which  properly  belong* 
to  Col.  Fremont  as  the  “  Conqueror  of  Califor¬ 
nia.”  On  this  point  Mr.  Buchanan  testified  un¬ 
der  oath  at  follows : 

“  Col,  Fremont,  the  defendant,  was  ia  Califor¬ 
nia  at  the  commencement  of  hostilities  between 
the  United  States  and  the  Republic  of  Mexico; 
he  there  raised  and  commanded  a  battalion  of 
California  Volunteers,  consisting  of  about  four 
hundred  men  ;  his  services  were  very  valuable: 
he  bore  a  conspicuous  part  in  the  conquest  oi 
California,  and,  in  my  opinion,  is  better  entitled 
to  be  called  the  ‘  Conqueror  of  California’  than 
any  other  man.” 

Then,  as  to  the  alleged  speculations  ef  CoL 
Fremont,  here  is  what  Mr.  Buchanan  deposes 
to : 

“I  do  know  that  such  supplies  were  necessa¬ 
ry  for  the  forces  under  the  oommand  of  the  de¬ 
fendant,  and  that  no  appropriation  had  been 
made  by  Congress  to  pay  for  the  supplies.  Con¬ 
gress  could  not  have  anticipated  that  Col.  Fre¬ 
mont  would  raise  a  California  battallion  by  his 
own  personal  exertions  and  without  previous 
instructions.” 

So  great  indeed  was  Mr.  Buchanan’s  confi¬ 
dence  in  Col.  Fremont,  that  he  declares,  still 
under  oath : 

“  I  should  have  accepted  and  paid  these  bills, 
from  my  general  knowledge  of  the  transactions 
in  California,  had  Congress  appropriated  any 
money  and  placed  it  at  my  disposal,  which 
could  be  applied  to  their  payment,  though  it 
would  have  been  more  correct  to  have  drawn 
these  bills  on  the  Secretary  of  War.” 


FA  LOT  XB83UM. 

Mr.  Douglas  in  his  recent  Springfield  speech 
says: 

**  The  [the  Republican]  party  has  **  constitu¬ 
tional  pnficipk  to  stand  upon.  It  does  not  pre¬ 
tend  to  have  any.  It  stands  only  on  the  ground 
•f  individual  opinion  and  Northern  prejudice 
against  constitutional  rights  which  the  wisest 
patriots  of  the  earlier  days  of  our  history  secur¬ 
ed  to  the  South.  And  in  obedience  to  these  pre¬ 
judices  they  demand,  upon  pain  of  the  dissolu¬ 
tion  of  the  Union,  and  the  establishment  of  a 
Northern  Republic— 1.  The  repeal  of  the  Fugi¬ 
tive  Slave  Law ;  2.  The  abolition  of  slavery  in 
the  District  of  Columbia ;  3.  The  abolition  of 
the  slave  trade  in  the  States;  4.  No  more  slave 
States;  5.  No  territory  to  be  acquired  unless  to 
be  free  forever.  They  have  no  other  principles ; 
their  presses,  their  preachers,  their  public  speak¬ 
ers  tell  of  no  other.  How  can  a  party  thus  con¬ 
stituted  hope  to  preserve  and  perpetuate  the 
Union!  These  demands  strike  at  the  existence 
of  the  Constitution — of  the  Union  itself — the 
very  instrument  without  which  the  States  fall 
assunder  and  the  Union  is  destroyed." 

Every  one  of  these  five  specifications  is  un¬ 
true.  In  proof  of  this  read  the 

WATIONAL  REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM 

Adopted  at  Philadelphia  June  18th,  1856. 

Wkmeas,  This  Convention  of  delegates,  assembled 

Si  pursuance  of  a  call  addressed  to  the  people  of  the 
mtad  States  without  regard  to  past  political  differ 
anc»s  or  divisions,  who  are  opposed  to  the  repeal  of  the 
Missouri  Compromise,  to  the  policy  of  the  present  Ad¬ 
ministration,  to  the  extension  of  slavery  in  Kansas, 
and  in  favor  of  the  admission  of  Kansas  as  a  free  tot&te: 
Ipr  restoring  the  action  of  the  Federal  Government 
io  the  principles  of  Washington  and  Jefferson,  and  for 
{he  purpose  of  presenting  candidates  for  the  offices  of 
Preside  at  and  Tice  President— 

^Resolved,  That  maintenance  of  the  principles  pro¬ 
mulgated  in  the  Declaration  of  Indepandecoe  and  em¬ 
bodied  in  the  £ederal  Constitution  is  essential  to  the 

f reservation  of  our  Rspublic&n  institutions ;  that  the 
ederal  Constitution,  the  rights  of  the  States,  and  that 
le  Union  of  the  States  shall  be  preserved. 

Resolved,  That  with  our  republican  fathers  we  held  it 
to  be  a  self-evident  truth,  tha‘  all  men  are  endowed 
With  the  inalienable  sight  of  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of 
happiness ;  that  the  primary  objeo  .  and  ulterior  design 
•f  our  Federal  Government  was  to  secure  suoh  rights  to 
all  persona  within  its  exclusive  jurisdiction ;  that  as  our 
^publican  fathers,  when  they  had  abolished  slavery  in 

*nr  national  territory,  ordained  that  no  person  should 
e  deprived  of  life,  liberty  or  property  without  due 
process  of  law,  it  beoomee  our  duty  to  maintain  this 
provision  of  the  Constitution  against  all  attempts  to 
violate  it  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  slavery  in  the 
United  States  by  positive  legislation, jand  prohibiting  its 
extension  therein ;  tha;  we  deny  the  authority  ef  Con¬ 
gress.  of  a  territorial  legislature,  or  of  any  individual 
Or  association,  togive  legal  assistance  to  slavery  in  any 
territory  of  the  United  States,  while  the  present  consti¬ 
tution  shall  be  maintained, 

■  Resolved,  That  the  Constitution  confers  on  Congress 
lovereign  power  ever  the  territories  of  the  U.  8.,  for 
#ieir  government  and  the  exercise  of  their  power :  it  is 
both  the  right  and  duty  of  Congress  to  prohibit  in  the 
territories  polygamy  and  slavery. 

Resolved,  That  while  the  Constitution  of  the  United 

States  was  ordained  and  established  in  order  to  estab- 
sh  a  more  perfect  union,  secure  justice,  insare  domes 
tic  tranquilitv,  provide  for  the  common  defence  and  se¬ 
cure  the  blessings  of  liberty  and  contains  ample  pro 
Visions  for  the  protection  of  life,  liberty,  and  property 
•f  every  citisen,  the  dearest  Constitutional  rights  of 
the  people  of  Kansas  have  been  fraudulently  and  vio 
lently  taken  from  them,  their  Territory  has  been  inva¬ 
ded  by  an  armed  force  spurious  and  pretended  judi¬ 
cial  and  executive  officials  have  been  set  over  them,  by 
whose  usurped  authority,  sustained  by  the  military 

Jowerof  government,  tyrannical  and  unconstitutiona 
iws  have  been  enacted  acd  enforced ;  the  rsghts  of 
the  people  to  keep  and  bear  arms  have  been  grossly  in¬ 
fringed  ;  test  oatbs  of  an  extraordinary  and  entangling 
nature  have  been  imposed  as  a  condition  of  exercising 
the  right  of  suffrage,  and  holding  offices ;  the  right 
of  an  aocused  person  to  a  speedy  and  public 
trial  by  an  impartial  jury,  has  been  denied ; 
the  right  of  the  people  to  be  secure  in  their 
bouses,  papers  and  effects  against  unreasonable  search¬ 
es  and  secures  has  been  violated ;  they  have  been  de¬ 
prived  of  life,  liberty  and  property  without  due  process 


of  law ;  the  freedom  of  speech  and  the  press  has  bees 
abridged,  the  right  to  ehoose  their  representatives  has 
been  made  of  do  effect;  murders,  robberies  and  arson 
have  been  iastigated  and  enoouraged,  and  the  offenders 
have  been  allowed  to  go  unpunished  :  yet  all  these 
things  have  been  done  with  the  knowledge  and  sanc¬ 
tion  and  procurement  of  the  present  administration— 
and  that  for  this  high  crime  against  the  Constitution, the 
Union  and  humanity,  we  arraign  the  administration, 
the  President,  his  advisers,  agents,  supporters,  apolo¬ 
gists  and  accessories,  either  before  or  a  ter  the  facts, 
before  the  country  and  before  the  world,  and  that  it  is 
our  fixed  purpose  to  bring  the  actual  perpetrators  of 
the  atrocious  outrages,  and  their  accomplices,  to  a  sure 
aDd  condign  punishment  hereafter. 

Resolved.  That  Kansas  shall  be  admitted  as  a  State 
of  the  Union  with  her  present  free  constitution,  as  at 
once  the  most  effectual  way  of  securing  to  her  citisens 
the  enjoyment  of  the  rights  and  privileges  to  whioh  they 
are  ent  tied,  and  of  ending  the  civil  strife  now  raging  La 
her  territory. 

Resolved,  That  the  highwayman’s  plea  that  might 
maxes  right,  embodied  in  the  Ostend  Circular,  was  in 
every  respect  unworthy  of  American  diplomacy,  and 
w  uld  bring  shame  and  dishonor  upon  any  govoi  nment 
or  people  that  gave  it  their  sanction. 

Resolved,  That  a  railroad  to  the  Pacific  Ocean  by 
the  more  centr&i  and  practicable  route  is  imperatively 
demanded  by  the  interests  of  the  whole  country,  ana 
that  the  Federal  Government  ought  toar  nder  immedi¬ 
ate  and  efficient  aid  in  its  construction,  and  as  an  aux¬ 
ilary  iherete  the  immediate  construction  of  an  emi¬ 
grant  route  on  the  line  of  the  railroad. 

Resolved,  That  appropriations  by  Coegress  for  the 
improvement  of  rivers  and  harbors  of  a  national  char¬ 
acter,  required  for  the  accomodation  and  security  of 
our  existing  commerce,  are  authored  by  the  Consti¬ 
tution,  and  justified  by  the  obligation  ef  Government  to 
protect  the  lives  and  property  of  its  citie  ns. 

Resolved,  That  we  invite  the  affiiiati  n  and  co-opera¬ 
tion  of  the  men  of  all  parties,  however  different  from  us 
in  other  respeots,  in  support  of  the  principles  herein 
declared ;  and  believing  that  .the  spirit  of  our  institu¬ 
tions  as  well  as  the  Constitution  of  our  country,  guar¬ 
antees  liberty  of  conscience  and  equality  of  rights 
among  the  citisens,  we  oppose  all  legislation  impairing 
their  security. 

Such,  fellow-citisens,  is  the  Republican  plat¬ 
form,  on  which  stands  the  pathhnder  of  empire, 
who  planted  the  glorious  atars  and  stripes  on 
the  highest  peak  of  the  Rocky  Mountains.  On 
the  fourth  of  March  next  the  people  mean  to 
place  him  in  the  Presidential  chair,  the  highest 
and  most  responsible  position  that  can  be  occu¬ 
pied  by  man.  He  is  most  worthy  of  that  posi* 
tion. 

ANOTHER  LETTER  FROM  FRANCIS  P. BLAIR 


Cordial  Union  between  Northern  Democrats 
and  Southern  Nollifiers  and  Seeesaionigts. 


From  the  N.  T.  Evening  Post, 

TO  MY  NEIGHBORS : 

We  have  been  highly  honored  of  late  by  the 
dignitaries  of  Washington  City — the  office¬ 
holders  and  their  satellites.  Political  meetings 
to  instruct  or  gather  the  sense  of  our  county, 
have  been  heretofore  held  in  its  central  villages 
— in  Rockville,  Brookville,  Poolesville,  Colas- 
ville,  and  other  points  most  convenient  for  such 
purposes.  Are  we  not,  then,  under  lasting  obli¬ 
gations  to  the  chief  magistrate  of  the  city  of 
Washington  (the  Mayor),  to  the  city  Postmas¬ 
ter,  to  the  editor  of  the  most  special  organ  of 
the  President’s  man-of-all-work  in  the  Cabinet, 
to  an  ex-member  of  Congress  from  the  North, 
who,  having  lost  his  position  with  his  constitu¬ 
ents  in  the  cause  of  the  administration,  is  wil¬ 
ling  to  serve  it  in  any  capacity  that  promises 
future  promotion — are  we  not  deeply  indebted 
to  such  functionaries  and  their  followers,  for 
having  deigned  to  call  the  county  to  its  line  at 
Silver  Spring,  and  there  treat  it  with  so  many 
good  things  provided  for  it  in  the  city — not 
merely  good  things  appealing  to  the  appetites, 
but  good  sayings  uttered,  and  signs  exhibited, 
directing  us  in  our  duties?  Not  being  one  of 


8 


the  invited,  I  can  only  return  my  thanks  for  the 
insignia  with  which  they  were  so  good  as  to 
adorn  the  confines  of  my  farm,  placing  it  in  the 
eye  of  my  dwelling,  and  for  the  personal  honor 
done  me  in  holding  my  course  as  a  private  citi¬ 
zen  of  such  import  as  to  merit  animadversion. 
For  one  portion  of  the  lofty  decoration  which 
floats  over  the  scene  of  my  humble  employ¬ 
ment,  I  am  really  grateful.  It  is  the  Flag  cf 
the  Union,  brought,  I  am  told,  from  the  Navy. 
Yard  of  the  metropolis.  It  may  have  displayed  j 
its  constellation  of  stars  at  the  mast-head  of 
some  noble  seventy-four,  and  shed  its  glory  over 
the  great  deep,  where  the  proudest  triumphs  of 
our  flag  have  been  achieved.  It  now  spreads 
its  folds  to  the  inland  breeze  from  a  hickory  a 
hundred  feet  high !  If  its  flag-staff  had  been 
elevated  upon  the  summit  of  this  noble  tree  ae 
it  grew  and  flourished  with  all  its  leafy  honors, 
on  its  free  mount  that  overlooks  the  headlong 
fall  of  the  Anacostia,  it  would  have  been  a  fit 
emblem  to  awaken  recollections  of  the  illustri¬ 
ous  chief  with  whose  glory  its  name  is  associ¬ 
ated.  But  it  was  cut  down  at  the  instance  of 
the  city  officials — its  branches  lopped  and 
dragged  from  its  wild  and  airy  height  along  the 
dusky  thoroughfares— hoisted  by  ropes  on  the 
highway — and  crowned  with  the  skull  and 
horns  of  an  old  Buck  !  There  the  imagination 
associates  it  with  the  idea  of  a  death’s  head  and 
gibbet. 

OLD  BUCK  GIBBETED. 

What  an  emblem  to  be  exalted  above  the  flag 
of  the  country  and  on  the  hickory  tree  which 
has  given  its  name  to  one  of  its  greatest  heroes  ! 
Of  all  animals  the  deer  is  the  most  timid,  and 
although  the  head  of  the  buck  is,  at  one  season 
of  the  year,  armed  with  a  multitude  of  points 
as  sharp  as  spear3,  it  never  confronts  an  enemy 
tha^  it  can  escape  with  flying  feet.  The  grand 
antlers  are  the  mere  emblem  of  warlike  prow¬ 
ess,  and  evidence  only  of  that  species  of  gallan¬ 
try  that  distinguishes  the  stag,  and  gives  to  a 
class  of  gentry  of  cur  species  the  name  cf  bucks, 
young  or  old. 

The  old  buck  is  a  sort  of  old  bachelor,  like  his 
fellow  of  the  woods,  addicted  to  no  mate,  and 
•whflse  insignia  of  horns  have,  time  out  of  mind, 
been  held  to  characterize  his  pursuits.  Is  this 
an  ensign  to  be  exalted  above  that  of  the  coun¬ 
try  and  chosen  to  exemplify  the  virtues  of  one 
who  aspires  to  the  Chief  Magistracy  ?  If  the 
crowning  virtue  be  attributed  to  the  coronet 
whicii  distinguishes  the  old  buck’s  head,  and 
which  how  takes  the  place  qf  the  liberty  cap  on 
Democratic  banners,  it  should  be  remembered 
that  it  is  a  virtue  that  comes  and  goes  with  the 
seasons.  An  old  buck’s  honors  begin  to  bud 
and  grow  in  the  balmy  spring  time — they  are 
in  the  velvet  in  June,  and  throughout  the  sum¬ 
mer.  This  smooth  covering  is  slipped  off  in 
October.  Iu  November  their  vitality  is  blighted, 
and  in  March  the  crown  of  weather-beaten  ant¬ 
lers  drop  from  the  old  buck’s  brow,  and  he  hides, 
droops  in  solitude,  abandoned  by  all  his  fellows 
The  hunters  of  the  Alleganies  (and  of  our  fron¬ 
tiers  will  apply  this  piece  of  natural  history,  and 
interpret  its  augury. 

A  storm  brewing  at  the  south  against  the 

TRAITOBS. 

The  occasion  of  raising  this  trophy  to  Mr. 
Buchanan  was  taken  to  denounce  me  to  mj 
neighbors  as  ‘‘an  arch  traitor  /”  and  “ a  flash  of 
lightning  was  invoked  to  bring  down  the  justice  of 
Heaven  on  my  head!"  These  men,  who  uphold 
the  legislation  which  has  lighted  the  torch  of 
civil  war  in  our  land,  and  made  violence  and 
bloodshod  the  order  of  the  day,  seem  to  think 


they  have  only  to  point  their  finger  at  a  victim 
iff  this  quarter  to  make  him  a  sacrifice.  They 
know  little  of  the  deep-seated  feeling  which 
broods  in  silence  in  the  South,  and  which  will* 
ere  long,  overwhelm  them  with  reprobation. 
Freedom  of  opinion,  freedom  of  speech,  lreedom 
in  every  good  sense  which  endeared  it  to  tho 
hearts  of  Americans  when  struggling  for  it 
against  a  foreign  foe,  is  still  held  precious  among 
the  masses  in  the  South  as  well  as  at  the  North ; 
and  the  arrogant  calumniators  who  came  from 
the  city  to  assail  me  for  the  views  I  have  deemed 
it  my  duty  to  promulgate,  found  it  so.  The 
orator  who  undertook  to  point  the  indignation 
of  the  community  in  which  I  live  against  me, 
for  the  honest,  disinterested  opinions  I  have 
avowed,  found  his  attempt  promptly  repelled  by 
a  neighbor,  who  flung  back  his  accusation  by  ft 
direct  contradiction ;  and  I  am  grateful  to  learn 
that  the  speech  of  my  defender  (who  opposes 
the  party  to  which  I  belong,)  had  the  approval 
of  the  throng  to  whose  prejudices  the  attack  was 
meant  as  an  appeal. 

I  owe  it  to  my  countrymen  who  so  generously 
resented  misrepresentations  against  an  absent 
man,  and  which,  under  the  sectional  aspeet  now 
given  to  the  political  controversy,  could  hardly 
fail  to  provoke  hostility  against  me,  to  lay 
before  them  my  thoughts  on  public  affairs,  that 
they  may  calmly  decide  how  much  I  am  their 
enemy. 

THE  SCHEME  OF  THE  NULLIFIIR8. 

I  do  not  believe  that  the  motives  which  led 
Messrs.  Atchison,  Butler,  Mason  and  Hunter 
(the  rump  of  the  body  of  Nullifies  left  by  Mr. 
Calhoun  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  and 
who  still  labor  to  effect  his  plan,)  are  well  un¬ 
derstood.  The  deeply  plotted,  thoroughly  or¬ 
ganized  scheme  to  repeal  the  Missouri  Compro¬ 
mise,  which  they  were  enabled  to  earry  by 
promises,  securing  the  help  of  Presidential  as¬ 
pirants  in  the  North  was  not  fully  comprehend 
by  them,  or  their  party  of  doughfaces  seduced 
by  the  patronage  the  balance  ot  power  vote  of 
the  South  was  to  give  them.  It  was  not  merely 
to  acquire  an  additional  slave  State  that  the  con¬ 
tract  was  violated  which  gave  Missouri  to  the 
slaveholders  aud  reserved  Kansas  for  free  labor. 
The  great  project  of  the  Nullifiers,  of  which  the 
repeal  was  the  first  step,  as  now  revealed,  evi¬ 
dently  reaches  to  extend  the  slave  line  with  the 
parallel  bounding  Kansas  on  the  north  to  the 
Pacific,  and  to  include  all  south  of  that  line  be¬ 
longing  to  this  continent,  including  Cuba,  in  ft 
a  slave  empire. 

The  Cincinnati  resolutions  expressly  assert  a 
right  to  “ ascendancy to  “preponderance"  t» 
“''control"  and  not  only  over  the  land  but  the 
seas  cf  this  region.  The  resolutions  which  were 
J  prompted  and  sustained  by  the  vote  of  the  whole 
South  and  to  which  its  acknowledged  candidate 
pledged  himself  as  swallowing  up  his  individu¬ 
ality  aud  rendering  him  a  mer %  machine  for  their 
effectuation,  did  not  mean  that  this  vast  con¬ 
quest,  from  which  slavery  is  now  banished, 
should  be  banished  to  our  Union  as  the  nursery 
of  free  States.  A  portion  of  the  slaveholding 
class,  now  predominant  over  the  party  which 
issued  this  manifesto,  hold  that  the  existence  of 
free  States  surrounding  their  peculiar  institu¬ 
tions  in  a  common  confederacy,  must  be  fatal  to 
it.  They  hold  that  the  contract  of  such  kin¬ 
dred  States  as  part  of  the  same  system,  must 
gradually  operate  upon  the  interests,  opinions, 
and  finally  upon  the  passions,  of  the  whole  class 
without  slave  States,  so  as  to  make  legislation 
necessary  to  relieve  it  from  the  oppression,  the 
inevitable  result  of  the  superincumbent  weight 
of  the  slave  power,  in  the  hands  of  masters  who 


I 


engross  the  soil  and  the  entire  political  sover¬ 
eignty,  and  who  must  in  time  become  more  ab¬ 
solute  than  any  other  prerogatived  class  on 
earth,  because  it  is  wholly  independent  of  the 
white  race  10  cultivate  the  soil  which  they  en¬ 
gross.  The  forecast  of  this  intellectual  and  ed 
ucated  class  who  wield  all  the  State  government 
in  the  South  and  who  are  animated  by  one  com¬ 
manding  interest,  producing  thorough  concert, 
sees,  in  course  of  time,  that  there  must  be  an 
alienation  between  the  natrons  of  slave  labor, 
who  derive  support  and  power  from  it,  and  that 
portion  of  the  white  race  among  them  who  are 
Btraggliag  for  subsistence,  and  who  find  a  com¬ 
petition  ia  slave  labor  which  deprives  them  of 
employment  oa  the  estates  of  slaveholders  and 
of  ownership  in  the  soil  on  which  they  might 
labor  for  themselves.  The  prerogative  class  in 
the  South  are  resolved  to  cut  the  connection  be¬ 
tween  the  free  laborer  ef  the  North  and  the  free 
laborer  in  the  slave  States.  It  is  looked  to  as 
an  alliance  which  may  at  some  time  come  to  the 
rescue  and  save  the  white  working  man  from 
the  absolute  dominion  of  the  masters  of  the 
slaves  and  the  soil. 

J.  H.  Taylor,  of  Charleston,  South  Carolina, 
pursues  this  topic  of  the  destitution  ©f  the  mass 
of  whites  ia  that  State,  tad  points  to  the  dan¬ 
gers  to  be  apprehended  from  it.  We  take  this 
passage  from  it  in  DeBow’s  Review,  the  editor 
of  which  is  distinguished  for  his  full  information 
•f  the  state  of  the  South  : 

“ So  long  as  these  peer  feut  !a.-**stri«u*  pjpvh?  could 
scene  mode  t  f  iivin.-v  except  by  a  degrading  operation 
ef  work  with  the  negro  anon  the  plantation,  they  were 
•on  teat  to  endure  life  in  its  mod  discou  aging  forms, 
satisfied  they  were  above  the  slave,  though  faring  often 
worse  than  he.  But  ta*  progress  ex  the  world  is  'oa 
Ward,’  aatl  though  in  some  tections  it  is  slow,  still  it 
Is  *  omeardl  and  the  great  mass  ef  our  poor  white 
population  begin  to  understand  that  they  have  rights, 
and  that  they,  toe,  are  entitled  to  some  of  the  sym¬ 
pathy  which  falls  upon  the  suffering.  They  are  fast 
learning  that  there  is  an  almost  infinite  wo  rid  of  in 
dustry  opening  before  them,  b» 'which  they  can  ele¬ 
vate  themselves  and  their  femiiee  from  wretchednes' 
and  ignorane*.  to  competence  and  Intc-H'genoe.  It  is 
Ihis  great  upheaving  of  our  masses  that  we  have  to 
fear,  so  -far  as  our  institutions  are  concerned 

WHITE  HEX  TO  B*  REDUCED  TO  SLAVERY. 

These  paragraphs  nre  only  scraps  from 
volumes  of  evidence  borne  by  the  ablest  men  of 
the  South,  which  prove  that  slave  labor  under 
the  direction  of  the  rich,  educated  and  power¬ 
ful  class,  has  reduced  the  laboring  white  popu¬ 
lation  to  straits  that  make  it  “  an  evil  of  great 
magnitude,'’  only  to  be  cured  by  “a  change  of 
public  sentiment .”  Now  I  turn  to  that  “  change 
of  public  sentiment”  as  exhibited  in  the  leading 
organs  of  the  South — the  Richmond  Enquirer 
and  Richmond  Examiner — to  show  what  remedy 
they  propose  for  the  oppression  which  weighs 
down  the  whUe  laborer,  who,  withe  ut  land  of 
his  own,  is  obliged  to  enter  into  competition 
with  slave-labor,  directed  by  an  educated  mas¬ 
ter  with  slaves  and  capital  and  unlimited  power 
to  command.  The  following  passages  are  from 
late  editorials  in  the  presses  which  speak  for 
th8  nulliflers  of  Virginia.  They  appeared  dur¬ 
ing  the  last  session  of  Congress,  to  instruct  it 
in  the  new  theory.  This  is  from  the  Richmond 
Enquirer : 

“  Until  recently,  the  defence  of  slavery  has  labored 
under  great  difficulties,  bee  ruse  its  apologists,  for  chey 
were  merely  apologists,  took  half- way  ground  They 
confined  the  de  ence  o>  slav-ry  to  mere  negro  slavery , 
thereby  giving  up  the  slavery  principle,  admitting 
other  forms  of  slavery  to  be  wrong  and  yielding  up 
the  authority  of  the  B.ble,  and  of  the  history,  prac¬ 
tices.  and  experience or  mankind.  Human  experience 
showing  the  universal  success  of  slave  society,  and 
the  universal  fa’lure  of  free  society,  was  unava'lmg  t<~ 
them,  because  they  were  precluded  from  employing  it, 
by  admitting  slavery  in  the  abstract  to  be  wrong  Th 
defence  of  mere  negro  slavery  involved  them  in  still 


greater  difficulty.  The  laws  of  all  the  Southern  States 
justified  the  holding  white  men  in  slavery,  provided 
that  through  the  mother  they  were  descended,  how¬ 
ever  remotely,  from  a  negro  slave.  The  b.ightmulat- 
toes  according  to  their  theory,  were  wrongfully  held 
in  slavery.  .  , 

“  The  line  of  defence,  however,  is  changed  now,  and 
the  North  is  completed  cornered,  %Dd  dumb  as  an 
oyster.  The  South  now  maintains  that  slavery  is 
right,  natural,  and  necessary.  It  sfc  ws  that  all 
'll  vine  and  almost  all  human  authority  justifies  it. 
The  South  further  charges,  that  the  little  experiment 
of  free  society  in  Western  Europe  has  been,  from  the 
beginning,  a  crue.  failure,  and  that  symptoms  cf  fail¬ 
ure  are  abundant  in  our  North.  While  it  is  far  more 
obvious  that  negroes  be  slaves  than  whites -for  they 
are  only  fit  to  labor,  not  to  direct— yet  the  principle 
slavery  is  in  itself  right,  and  does  not  depend  oa. 
difference  of  complexion  D  fference  of  race,  of  lin¬ 
eage,  of  language,  o':  habit#  and  customs  all  tend  to 
render  the  institution  more  natural  and  durable  ;  a*~d 
although  slaves  have  been  generally  white,  sti'l  thu 
masters  and  slaves  have  generally  been  of  cifferent 
national  descent.  Moses  and  Aristotle,  the  earliest 
historians,  are  both  authorities  in  favor  of  the  differ¬ 
ence  in  race,  but  not  of  coler.” 

THE  BEAUTIES  AND  BLESSINGS  OF  SLAVERY. 

A  book  has  been  published  entitled  “  Free  So¬ 
ciety  a  Failure,”  written  by  George  Fitzhugh, 
which  the  Enquirer-  and  Examiner  commend  as 
supportfng  “  the  changes  ef  sentiment,”  which 
they  urge  on  in  Virginia.  This  book  gives  em¬ 
phasis  to  the  new  dociriaes  in  these  sentences  : 

“  Make  the  laboring  man  the  slave  or  one  man.  in¬ 
stead  of  ‘he  slave  of  society,  and  he  would  be  far  better 
»ff.”  *\Two  hundred  years  of  ’iberty  have  made  whits 
laborers  a  pauper  band  itti.  Free  Society  has  failed, 
and  that  wh*ch  is  not  free  must  b«  substituted  ” 

“  Say  the  abolitionists,  M-n  ought  not  to  have  prop¬ 
erty  in  man  ’  What  t  dreary,  cold  bleak,  inhospitable 
wo»dd  this  mould  br.  with  such  doctrine  carried  inf* 
practice!”  *  *  *  “  ffi&vavy  his  been  too  universal 
nc~  10  bo  nr cer  ary  to  nature,  aatl  n®  man  atruggi*  s  ia 
vain  against  nature,”  *****  Free  society  in  a  fail¬ 
ure.  We  slaveholders  say,  you  ram  t  recur  to  domestic 
slavery,  the  eldest,  the  best,  and  most  common  form  of 

80C;&li«m.” 

"  Fre«  society  is  a  monstrous  abortion,  avd  s’avery 
the  healthy. beautiful, and  satu-al  being  which  they  are 
trying  unconsciously  to  ado»t.”  ‘*  Tbo  slaves  are  gov¬ 
erned  far  better  than  Vue  free  laborers  at  the  North  are 
governed.  Our  regimes  are  rot  only  better  off  as  ba 
physical  comfort  than  free  laborers,  but  their  moral 
condition  is  better.” 

“  We  do  not  adopt  the  theory  that  Hun  was  the  an¬ 
cestor  ol  the  negro  race  The  J-wlsh  slaves  were  not 
negroes  ;  and  to  confine  the  ju=t  fieat’cu  of  slavery  to 
that  race,  would  be  to  weaken  i^s  scriptural  authority, 
and  to  lose  the  whole  weight  of  proiane  suthority-^fer 
we  read  of  ro  negro  slavery  in  ancient  times  ”  *  * 

“  Slavery,  black  or  white,  is  right  and  necessary  ” 

“  Nature  Las  m  de  the  weak  nmind  or  body.slaves.” 
*  *  *  •*  The  wise  and  vi.  tuous,  the  brave,  the  strong 
in  mind  and  body,  are  born  to  command.” 

“  Men  are  not  boro  entitled  to  eq  al  rights.  It  would 
be  far  nearer  the  tru  h  tr  say  that ‘some  were  bora 
with  saddles  on  their  backs,  and  other  3  booted  and 
spurred  to  ride  them— ar.d  the  ri  lirg  does  them  goo  V 
1  They  need  thereiBs,  the  bit,  and  ih-;spur.’  *  Life  and 
Liberty  are  not  inalienable.’  The  Lecbr  t.ion  of  Inde¬ 
pendence  is  exuberantly  false,  and  aborescently  falla¬ 
cious.” 

The  Richmond  Examiner  supports  the  same 
views  in  this  paragraph  : 

“  At  first  view  it  seems  strange  that  abolition  never 
rose  till  after  the  lhetitunon  of  negro  slavery.  Pro- 
tection  to  th©  weak,  and  subsistence  ior  the  ignorant, 
mprovident  and  v  cious,  are  tbe  two  great  and  most 
obvious  considerations  that  rend  r  do  fstio  s avery 
nece  sary.  Neither  private  nor  public  ch  arity  i3  al¬ 
ways  at  band  to  relieve  the  wratn  the  sufferings,  the 
sickness,  and  the  many  other  mi  fortunes  to  which 
large  masses  of  mankind,  w  tho  it  property  or  propei ty- 
holding  ’onnections,  are  subject. 

“Our  object  in  these  preliminary  remarks,  is  to  show 
how  unwise  it  is  fir  he  cou'h  attempt  *0  justify  negro 
slavery  as  an  exceptional  institution.  It  is  the  only 
form  ef  slavery  which  has  excited  che  prejudices  of 
mankind,  and  given  rise  t«  abolit'on ;  tbe  only  kind  of 
slavery  which  has  not  been  until  recen.Jy  universal. 
The  experience,  the  practices  end  the  hi  tcry  of  man¬ 
kind  amply  vindicate  sl&verv  in  the  abstract  as  a  natu¬ 
ral,  univers  il  and  conservative  institution.  In  justify¬ 
ing  slav  ry  in  the  general  or  abstract  we  have  to  con¬ 
tend  with  the  prejudices  growing  out  af  the  African 
<dave  trade,  out  of  hA  cruel  treatment  of  slaves  where 
ever  that  tr  ade  exists  and  tbe  still  greater  prejudices  of 
ace  and  color.  Still,  it  is  shown  by  history,  bo’h  sacred 
and  profane,  that  domestic  slavery  is  a  natural,  nor¬ 
mal,  and.  ti'l  lately,  universal  institution.  A  compari¬ 
son  of  the  evils  of  f  ee  and  *  lave  society,  from  the  cen¬ 
suses  of  different  countries,  from  the  history  of  the 


10 


Bttgtish  Poor  Laws,  from  the  famine*,  revolutions  infi¬ 
delities.  superstitions,  agrarianism*  and  anarchies, 
that  have  of  late  years  afflicted  Western  Europe,  and 
ft’om  the  oommunistio  and  socialistic  movements  of 
the  day,  proves  those  eooieties  only  to  be  permanent 
and  enduring  whioh  have  re?ted  upon  the  patriarchal 
Institution  of  domestic  slavery  as  a  basis.  When  it  is 
thus  shown  that  some  kind  of  slavery  is  nscess&ry,  all 
must  be  willing  to  admit  that,  as  slaves  there  must  be, 
negroes  are  best  fitted  for  that  condition.” 

ISEADQUARTKR3  Or  THU  OLIGARCHY — SCHEMES  FOB 
A  DISSOLUTION  OF  THE  UNION. 

Charleston,  South  Carolina,  is  the  headquar¬ 
ters  of  the  oligarchy  which  originated  the  de¬ 
sign  of  dissolving  the  Union,  to  bring  under  its 
■ubjection  the  laborer  of  the  white  race  as  well 
as  of  the  black  race.  The  power  seated  in 
Charleston  is  as  absolute  in  South  Carolina  as 
that  of  Paris  in  France,  and  it  aims  to  extend 
over  the  whole  South,  of  which  it  aspires  to  be¬ 
come  the  metropolis,  the  same  commanding  in¬ 
fluence.  From  this  point  every  movement  for 
the  severence  of  the  Union  has  received  its  im¬ 
pulse  ;  and  now,  while  in  States  around  her  this 
schemes  is  disguised,  the  first  symtom  of  which 
was  the  breach  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  it 
is  boldly  avowed  in  Charleston  that  the  separa¬ 
tion  of  the  States  is  the  great  object,  whatever  may 
be  the  fate  of  the  struggle  for  Kansas.  In  a  late 
article,  the  New  York  Herald,  replied  to  the 
threats  of  dissolution  of  jthe  Union  fulminated 
from  the  Charleston  press,  and  said  they  were 
empty  threats  like  those  made  in  1850,  when 
California  was  admitted  as  a  free  State — that 
South  Carolina,  which  then  gave  up  the  design 
©n  the  pretence  of  waiting  the  co-operation  of 
the  other  slave  States,  would  succumb  to  the 
Union  party  and  retract  again  on  the  same  pre¬ 
text.  To  this  the  leading  organ  of  authority  in 
the  State  of  South  Carolina,  the  Charleston 
Mercury ,  responds. 

“  The  Hwald  does  not  know— what  Is,  nevertheless, 
the  fact— ihat,  in  that  controversy,  both  parties  advo¬ 
cated  disunion.  They  differed  only  as  to  the  mode— one 
being  f*e  disunion  by  state  action,  the  other  by  coop 
©ration  a*  It  wvg  termed  or  the  joint  action  of  several 
States.  But  upon  the  policy  of  dissolving  the  Union. 
<sf  sen  ariing  the  South  from  her  Northern  enemies  and 
establishing  a  Southern  confederacy ,  parties  presses, 
politician*  and  people  were  a  a  umt.  There  is  not 
m  single  public  man  in  her  limits }  not  one  of  her  pre¬ 
sent  representative*  or  Senators  xn  Congress,  who  is 
not  pledged  to  the  tips  in  favor  of  disunion.  Indeed, 
we  well  remember  tnat  one  of  the  most  prominent  lead¬ 
ers  of  the  «o-operation  party,  when  taunted  with  sub 
mission,  rebukes  the  thought  bv saving,  'in  opposing 
secession  he  only  took  a  step  backward  to  strike  a 
blow  mors  deadly  against  the  Union.'  We  saw  him 
take '  the  step  backward,’  but  have  waited  in  vain  for 
the  ‘biow,’  So  much  for  the  facts  upon  which  the  Her- 
mid  base*  its  calculation  as  to  slaveowners  and  non- 
slaveowers.  the  poor  and  the  rich  in  booth  Carolina,  in 
Aver  of  the  Union  ” 

Thia  is  a  declaration  of  the  settled  purpose  of 
the  8tate  of  South  Carolina  to  dissolve  the  Un¬ 
ion,  dating  with  1850  and  only  postponed  for 
the  oo-operation  of  adjoining  States.  It  is  not 
made  dependent  on  the  result  of  the  contest  in 
Kansas.  The  separation  of  “  the  South  from  her 
northern  enemies' *  is  denounced  simply  because 
the  people  of  the  North  are  held  to  be  enemies. 

The  retrocession  from  secession  in  1850, 
%sas  “  a  step  backward'jto  strike, a  blow'more  deadly 
against  the  Union.”  It  will  be  a  more  deadly 
blow,  if  the  territories  of  the  Union  from  the 
northern  line  of  Kansas  to  the  Gulf  and  Pacific, 
are  first  conquered  and  devoted  to  slavery.  I 
do  not  believe  that  the  purpose  taken  by  the  nul¬ 
lifying  party  in  South  Carolina,  which  speaks 
through  the  Mercury ,  is  harbored  by  a  majoritj 
of  the  slaveholders  of  the  South,  much  less  by 
a  majority  of  the  people,  but  that  it  is  the  long 
meditated  scheme  of  the  ambitious  malcontents 
of  South  Carolina,  who  look  with  the  eye  of  Cor¬ 
tez  to  the  conquest  of  Mexico  and  Cuba,  and  the 
appropriation  of  their  riches  and  the  subjection 


of  their  people:  the  declarations  quoted  leave 
no  doubt. 

WHAT  THE  SLAVEHOLDERS  AND  THEIR  ALLEtt 
STRIKE  FOR. 

The  issue  now  pending  will  deeide  whether 
the  class  bent  on  this  career  of  conquest,  shall 
have  a  starting  point  in  the  free  territories  of 
the  Northwest,  which  will  preclude  all  interfer¬ 
ence  with  the  policy  on  tne  part  of  the  free 
States.  The  belt  which  Kansas  will  give  the 
slave  class  across  the  continent,  embracing  the 
whole  genial  region,  is  all  they  could  ask  from 
the  North.  This  gained,  the  partition  line  di¬ 
viding  the  Union  would  soon  be  announced,  to 
get  rid  of  northern  intervention,  and  then  the 
southern  conquerors  would  turn  their  arms  to¬ 
wards  Mexico. 

THE  “  POOR  WHITES”  IN  THE  SLAVE  STATES — Blk 
GINNING  TO  UNDERSTAND  THEIR  RIGHTS. 

I  hold  that  the  strongest  bar  against  disunion 
is  the  preservation  of  the  territories  from  slave 
settlement.  To  explain  this,  some  reference  to 
the  condition  of  those  States  where  the  multi¬ 
plication  of  slaves  has  made  their  owners  mas¬ 
ters  of  the  government  and  the  soil,  is  neoessa- 
ry.  Governor  Hammond,  a  leading  nullifier  of 
South  Carolina,  and  one  of  the  greatest  support¬ 
ers  of  the  slave  interest,  cannot  be  suspected  of 
exaggerating  the  mischief  it  works  on  the  non¬ 
slave-holding  whites.  Here  is  his  testimony  ag 
to  their  condition,  in  an  addres  before  the  South 
Carolina  Institute,  in  1850 : 

“  They  obtain  a  precarious  subsistence  by  occasional 
jobs,  by  hunting  by  fishing,  by  plundering  fields  or 
folds,  and  too  often  by  what  is  in  its  offects  far  worse- 
trading  with  slaves,  and  seducing  them  to  plunder  for 
their  benefit.” 

Mr.  Tarver,  another  southern  writer  ©f  dis¬ 
tinction,  sustains  this  statement  in  a  paper  on 
the  subject  of  domestic  manufactures  in  the 
South : 

“  The  free  population  of  the  8outh  may  be  divided 
into  two  classes,  the  slave-holder  and  the  non-slave¬ 
holder.  I  am  not  aware  that  the  relative  numbers  of 
the«e  two  classes  have  ever  b  ^en  ascertained  in  any  of 
the  States,  but  I  am  satisfied  that  thei  non-slave- holders 
far  outnumber  the  slave-holders— perhaps  by  three  t© 
one.  In  the  more  southern  portion  of  this  region,  the 
non-slave-holders  possess,  generally,  but  very  small 
means,  and  the  land  which  they  possess  is  almost  uni¬ 
versally  poor,  and  so  sterile  that  a  sc&Hty  subsistence 
is  all  that  can  be  derived  from  its  cultivation  :  and  the 
more  fertile  soil,  being  in  the  possession  of  the  slave¬ 
holder,  must  ever  remain  out  of  the  power  of  those  who 
have  none.” 

In  treating  of  the  same  project  (manufactur¬ 
ing  establishments)  as  a  means  of  redeeming 
the  white  population  of  the  South  holding  no 
slaves,  and  thrown  out  of  employment  by  being 
driven  from  the  culture  of  the  soil  by  them,  the 
Hon.  J.  H.  Lumpkin,  of  Georgia,  says : 

“It is  objected  that  these  manufacturing  eitablish- 
ments  will  become  the  hot  beds  of  crime.  *  *  *  * 

But  I  am  by  no  means  ready  to  concede  that  our  poor, 
degraded,  half-fed,  half-clothed,  and  ignorant  popula¬ 
tion— without  Sabbath  schools  er  any  other  kind  of  in¬ 
sertion,  mental  or  moral,  or  without  any  just  aopreci- 
ationof  character— will  be  injured  by  giving  them  em¬ 
ployment,  wnich  will  bring  them  under  the  oversight 
of  employers,  who  will  inspire  them  with  selfrespeot 
by  taking  an  interest  in  their  welfare.” 

Mr.  Wm  Gregg  in  a  paper  before  the  South  Carolina 
Institute,  handling  the  same  subject,  remarks,  that 
‘  any  man  who  is  an  observer  of  things  could  hardly 
pass  through  our  counlry  withou*  being  struck  with  the 
fact  that  all  the  capital,  enterprise  and  intelligence  te 
employed  in  directing  slave  labor;  and  the  conse- 
quenc  is,  that  a  large  portion  of  our  poor  white  peoplo 
are  wholly  neglected,  and  are  suffered  to  while  away 
an  existence  in  a  state  but  one  step  in  advance  of  the 
Iodian  of  the  forest.  It  is  an  evil  of  vast  magnitude, 
and  nothing  but  a  change  in  public  sentiment  will  ef¬ 
fect  its  cure. 

TYRANNY  OVER  WHITE  SLAVES  AT  THE  SOUTH. 

In  these  principal  journals  of  ihe  Old  Domin¬ 
ion  and  of  South  Carolina,  we  have  the  solution 
of  the  difficulty  growing  out  of  the  monopoly  cf 


the  mH  by  slave  laber,  and  the  severeigrity  orer 
the  Stale  Governments,  which,  as  an  incident, 
It  conferred  on  the  masters.  The  «tter  desiitu- 
^en  and  entire  dependence  of  the  white  work¬ 
ing  classes  on  the  slaveholding  class,  and  the 
absolctc  independence  of  the  latter  on  the 
lormer,  produces  a  state  of  superiority  on  one 
side,  and  inferiority  on  the  other,  that  does 
not  exist  anywhere  among  the  despotisms  of 
Europe.  There  the  nobleman  has  no  power  to 
Jhrc*  any  man  (the  serfs  of  Russia  excepted) 
to  work  for  him.  He  mast  offer  a  reward 
of  some  sort  to  the  laborer  to  obtain  his  ser¬ 
vice.  If  one  employer  will  not  give  adequate 
wages,  the  laborer  may  appy  to  another,  and 
there  is  therefore  some  dependence  of  the  great 
property  holders  on  the  good  will  and  prefer 
ence  for  them  on  the  part  of  the  working  class. 
But  in  the  South,  the  exeat  slaveholder  looks  to 
his  slaves  as  an  all-sufficient  body  of  machinery, 
wnioh  enables  him  to  dispense  with  the  labor  of 
the  free  labor  class;  and  he  may  use  them  and 
•apply  them,  or  refuse  them  and  starve  them  at 
pleasure.  I  invited  allusion  to  this  southern 
testimony  as  to  the  state  of  things  where  the 
slave  power  flourished  most,  during  the  late  ses¬ 
sion  of  Congress.  The  facts  were  not  denied 
by  a  single  member  from  the  South,  nor  was  the 
argument  controverted.  It  was  not  denied  that 
the  accumulation  of  wealth  is  slaves,  which  ne¬ 
cessarily  engrossed  the  soil  for  their  owners, 
must  put  the  white  race  of  laborers  wholly  at 
their  mercy. 

BOW  T*B  “*»OOR  WHITES*  ARK  TO  BB  “PRO¬ 
TECTED.” 


TKB  HA8T8K8  m  EMBODIMENT  07  A LL  POWBfi 
IX  THB  SLAV!  STATU. 

Here  is  a  new  system  divulged  :  “Every  plan¬ 
tation  is  a  little  community,  with  the  master  at 
the  head,  who  concentrates  in  himself  the  uni¬ 
ted  interests  of  capital  and  labor.”  “  These 
small  communities  aggregated  make  the  State.” 
Louis  the  XIV,  King  of  France,  said,  “  I  am  the 
State.”  Each  “  little  community”  composed  of 
white  and  black  on  the  large  pUntations 
of  the  South,  has  “  a  master  at  the  head,” 
and  the  masters  of  “these  small  communities 
aggregated  ”  are  the  State.  And  to  make  the 
masters  of  the  blacks  more  absolutely  the  mas¬ 
ters  of  the  State,  we  find  that  the  representation 
in  many  of  the  Southern  States  is  apportioned 
on  the  black  basis.  The  counties  with  a  great 
number  of  negroes  and  a  few  whites,  have  in 
this  State  a  majority  of  the  Legislature,  and  can 
control  that  portion  of  the  State  having  a  much 
greater  number  of  whites  and  fewer  slaves. 
Eastern  Virginia,  with  its  multitudes  of  slaves 
and  few  whites,  has  a  control  in  the  Legislature 
over  the  larger  white  population  west  of  the 
mountains  and  its  fewer  slaves.  In  South  Caro¬ 
lina  the  sway  of  the  masters  in  the  Legislature 
over  the  whites  is  made  still  more  absolute ; 
for,  besides  basing  representatoin  upon  black 
population,  the  constitution  makes  the  owner¬ 
ship  of  ten  slaves  a  qualification  for  a  seat  in 
the  Legislature,  or  an  equivalent  in  freehold  es¬ 
tate.  And  it  takes  away  the  choice  of  the  Presi¬ 
dential  electors  altogether  from  the  people,  and 
gives  it  to  this  slaveholding  assembly. 


The  facts  and  inference  being  undisputed,  the 
^eply  with  the  remedy  for  the  evil  they  exposed 
is  given  in  the  passages  quoted  from  the  presses 
whioh  speak  for  the  slaveholders.  What  is  it? 
We  are  told  that  “  protection  to  the  weak,  and 
subsistence  for  the  ignorant,  improvident  and 
vicicms,  are  the  two  most  obvious  considerations 
that  render  domestic  slavery  necessary ;”  that 
*the  South  maintains  that  slavery  is  right,  na¬ 
tural  and  neoessary ;”  that  “  the  laws  of  all  the 
Southern  States  justified  the  holding  white  men 
in  slavery;”  that  “the  principle  of  slavery  is 
In  itself  right,  and  does  not  depend  on  difference 
•f  complexion  ;”  that  “slavery,  black  or  white, 
is  right  and  necessary;”  that  “our negroes  are 
not  only  better  off  as  to  physical  comfort,  than 
free  laborers,  but  their  moral  condition  is  bet¬ 
ter.”  The  salvation  then  for  the  free  white  la¬ 
borer,  falling  into  pauperism  in  the  South,  and 
struggling  in  rain  under  the  superincumbent 
weight  of  the  well-directed  slave  power,  is  to 
xnaka  him  a  slave,  and  give  him  the  benefit  of 
the  same  masters.  This  is  clearly  the  whole 
drift  af  the  policy,  now  for  the  first  time  boldly 
enforced  by  argument.  The  blessing  which  this 
new  feature  of  the  peculiar  institution  is  to 
bring  on  our  government,  is  thus  illustrated  in  a 
Richmond  Examiner : 


This  agit&tu  n  has  produced  one  happy  effect,  t 
least— it  has  compelled  ug  of  the  South  to  look  into  tb 
■ature  and  character  of  this  great  institution,  and  t 
eorreot  many  false  impressions  that  even  we  had  et 
tertained  in  relation  to  it.  Many  in  the  South  once  b< 
Meved  that  it  was  a  moral  and  politic  1  evil.  That  foil 
and  delusion  are  gone.  We  see  it  now  it  its  true  ligh1 
and  regard  it  as  the  most  safe  and  stable  basis  for  fre 
kistitutions  in  the  world.  It  is  impossible  with  us  ths 
ne  conflict  can  take  place  between  labor  and  capita 
which  makes  it  so  difficult  to  establish  and  maintai 
free  institutions  in  all  wealthy  and  highly  c  vilize- 
nations  where  such  institutions  as  ours  do  not  ex'st 
The  Southern  States  are  an  aggregate,  in  fact,  of  com 
munitles,  not  of  individuals.  Every  plantation  is  , 
little  community,  with  the  master  at  its  head,  who  cod 
eentrates  in  himself  the  united  interest?  of  capital  am 
labor,  of  whicn  he  is  the  common  representative  Ihes 
small  communities  aggregated  make  the  State’ in  all 
whose  action,  labor  and  capital  is  equally  represented 
and  perfectly  harmonized.” 


THE  TERRITORIES  WERE  TO  BE  FEES  AS  AN  OFF¬ 
SET  TO  SLAVE  REPRESENTATION. 

This  is  the  system  which  the  Riohmond  press 
now  urges  on,  to  establish  a  principle  that  will 
justify  the  actual  enslavement  of  the  dependent 
class  of  the  free  white  population.  This  is  not 
my  statement  of  the  case.  It  is  the  reoord  of 
the  principles  and  policy  of  the  democratic  par¬ 
ty  in  the  South  as  delineated  by  the  leading 
statesmen  and  presses  directing  its  power.  The 
record  is  made  by  them,  I  merely  copy  it.  Is  it 
the  democracy  of  Jefferson  or  Jackson ;  or  of 
the  true  Republican  party,  built  up  by  the  fath¬ 
ers  of  our  government?  I  think  not.  Their 
principle  was,  that  the  white  race  should,  by  a 
majority  of  its  suffrages,  wield  the  authority  of 
the  State  Governments.  They  allowed  repre¬ 
sentation  in  Congress  to  the  owners  of  slaves  in 
the  South  for  three-fifths  of  that  species  of  popu¬ 
lation,  iu  consideration  that  all  the  territories  of 
the  United  States  should  be  reserved  exclusive¬ 
ly  for  free  labor.  The  Ordinance  of  1787,  mak¬ 
ing  this  reservation ,  was  before  Congress  at  ths 
same  moment  that  the  Constitution  teas  under  do- 
bate  in  the  convention,  and  these  mutual  conces¬ 
sions ,  resigning  the  territories  to  free  labor  on  one 
side ,  and  granting  an  increased  representation 
to  slave  owners  on  the  other ,  constituted  one  of  the 
compromises  which  became  necessary  to  establish 
the  Government  of  the  Union. 

It  was  in  pursuance  of  this  principle  of  eom- 
promise  between  the  North  and  South  engrafted 
in  the  constitution,  that  gave  Missouri  and  all 
ihe  territory  south  of  86°  30v  to  slave  settle¬ 
ment,  and  all  north  of  it  to  the  emigration  of 
ree  settlers.  This  was  a  most  solemn  treaty. 
Its  stipulations  ought  to  be  held  more  sacred  than 
any  other,  because  it  has  root  in  the  policy  re¬ 
cognized  in  the  constitution  as  the  basis  of  the 
Union — because  it  was  proferred  by  the 
weaker  power,  and  was  ratified,  not  by  the 
sanction  of  the  President  and  Senate  alone, 
as  in  the  case  of  ordinary  treaties,  but  by  the 
louse  of  Representatives,  and  called,  in  con- 


12 


tradistinetion  to  other  statutes,  bj  universal  ac¬ 
cord,  “  the  Missouri  Compromise.”  The  breach 
of  this,  like  the  breach  of  treaties  among 
independent  States,  has  brought  on  an  appeal 
to  force.  Civil  war  between  the  free  and  slave 
States  is  impending,  and  nothing  can  avert  it 
but  a  return  to  the  principle  of  the  Compromise, 
and  of  good  faith.  It  is  on  this  ground  that 
the  Republican  party  has  taken  its  stand. 


KEDITATED  TREASON 


IN  CASE 
TION. 


OP  FREMONT  S  ELEC- 


The  Presidential  candidates  of  the  opposing 
parties  Mr.  Fillmore  who  heads  one  ticket,  and 
Mr.  Breckinridge  on  the  other,  who  speaks  for 
Mr.  Buchanan  and  himself,  say  that  the  election 
of  the  Republican  candidate  will  be  a  signal  for 
the  dissolution  of  the  Union.  The  Charleston 
Mercury  proclaims  that  all  parties  in  South 
Carolina  are  resolved,  and  Mr.  Brooks,  already 
notorious  by  his  attack  in  the  Senate  on  the 

Eerson  of  a  member  and  the  rights  of  that  body, 
as  declared  that  Fremont’s  election  would  be 
followed  by  the  seizure  of  the  Capitol  and 
archives  of  the  government  by  a  military  force, 
and  Mr.  Wise,  of  Virginia,  has  written  letters 
and  given  verbal  assurances  to  countenance  the 
design. 

RESTORATION  OP  FREE  SOIL  TO  FEBB  LABOR. 

What  men  will  rally  to  this  standard  of  dis¬ 
union  ?  Will  the  free  white  men,  who  have  no 
slaves,  enlist  to  break  up  the  government  and 
to  destroy  an  administration  which  comes  into 
power  on  a  principle  and  under  tat  moat  sacred: 
pledges  to  restore  their  violated  rights?  The 
Republican  party  directs  its  efforts  to  the  re¬ 
storation  of  the  soil  dedicated  to  free  labor  to 
■  that  class  of  citizens,  North  and  South,  for 
whom  its  settlement  was  reserved,  to  deliver 
them  from  the  encroachment  and  gradual  mono¬ 
poly  which  the  owners  of  slaves  always  ac- 
,  eomplish  wherever  the  institution  is  admitted. 

The  single  handed  freeman  cannot  hold  his  own 
against  one  who  has  the  advantage  of  a  multi¬ 
tude  of  hands.  The  result  in  the  South  settles  this 
point.  And  it  is  to  this  fact  Col.  Fremont  ad¬ 
verts  in  the  strong  pledge  he  gives  to  the  free 
I  laborer,  who  has  neither  lands  nor  slaves,  in 
this  passage  pf  his  letter  accepting  the  nomina¬ 
tion  to  the  Presidency.  Speaking  of  the  breach 
of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  he  says: 

“That  fatabac*.  which  vave  birth  to  this  purely  rec- 
ticnal  strife  originating  in  tli  e  scheme  to  take  from 
,  free  labor  the  country  secure  i  to  it  by  a  solemn  ceve- 
nam,  cannot  be  100  soon  disarmed  ef  its  pernicious 
force.  The  only  genial  region  of  the  middle  latitudes, 
left  to  the  emigrants  of  i  he  Northern  Mates  for  homes 
cannot  be  c  nq  ie.ed  fiom  the  laborers,  wao  have 
long  cou«idered  t  as  set  r  p%rt  for  them  as  ■  ur  inheri¬ 
tance,  without  provoking  a  de>pera*e  struggle.  What¬ 
ever  may  be  the  persist  nee  o»  the  particular  class  which 
seems  ready  to  hazard  everyth'  r  g  ior  the  success  ol  the 

unju’tsjhemeithae partia  iy  effected.  I  fi  miy  believe  ...  e,  hioaeinwa  TTninn 

that  the  great  heart  of  ths  nat  on,  whien  trobs  with  with,  the  bieSoiDgS  ot  the  union 

Khe  patriotism  of  the  free  men  ot  both  sections, 
will  have  power  to  overcome  it.  They  will  look  to  the 
.rights  secured  to  them  »>y  the  Constit  fen  of  the  Union 
as  their  best  saf  guard  from  the  oppression  of  thecla^s 
which— by  a  monopoly  of  the  toil  and  of  slave  labor  to 
till  it— might  5fe  ti’ce  reduce  to  the  extremity  of  labor¬ 
ing  upon  ths  same  terras  with  the  slaves.  Tbe  great 
body  of  ncn-aiavehold’ng  free  men,  including  thoso  of 
the  Fouth,  upon  whose  welfare  s  avory  is  an  oppression, 
will  discover  that  he  r  of he  general  government 
over  the  public  l?n<*8  may  be  beneficially  exerted  to  ad¬ 
vance  their  interests  ar'd  secure  tneir  independ-Bce. 

Knowing  this,  their  s  ff  ages  will  not  be  wanting  to 
imaintam  that  authority  in  the  Union  which  is  absolute 
ly  essential  to  the  ma:o  finance  of  the'r  own  liberties, 

|  and  which  has  more  than  once  indicated  the  purpose 
of  disposing  of  ihe  paolir  lands  in  su  h  a  va s  as  would 
naak  every  se  tier  up  n  them  a  freeholder.” 

|. SOUTHERN  NON-SLAV SAOLDERS  IN  TUB  WAT  OF 
THE  TRAITORS. 

On  the  election  of  Fremont,  Governor  Wise 
proposes  to  call  on  the  people  of  Virginia,  and 


Mr.  Brooks  on  those  of  other  States  topnt  down 
the  government  of  the  Union  by  force.  Will 
the  great  body  of  the  South,  who  have  neither 
slaves  nor  land,  enliBt  to  put  down  a  President 
who  will  exert  all  his  constitutional  power  to 
give  them  homesteads  in  the  new  territories  re¬ 
served  for  their  settlements  by  the  compromise 
— by  treaty  stipulations?  A  homestead  bill,  giv¬ 
ing,  without  price,  to  every  actual  etetler  on 
the  public  domain  a  homestead  of  one  hundred 
and  sixty  acres  of  land,  on  condition  of  occu¬ 
pancy  and  cultivating  for  a  pwiod  of  five  years, 
is  the  measure  looked  to  by  Colonel  Fremont  to 
provide  for  those  whom  the  nullifiers  would  make 
slaves.  The  measure  has  been  passed  in  the 
House  of  Representatives  and  defeated  in  tho 
Senate,  and  was  renewed  again  by  a  leading  Re¬ 
publican  members  from  Pennsylvania  at  the  last 
session.  If  Fremont  is  elected,  it  will,  I  have  no 
doubt,  be  carried  into  a  laio.  Will  the  laboring 
class  in  our  country,  having  no  lands,  join  with 
Messrs.  Wise  and  Brooks  in  putting  down  the 
government  that  tenders  happy  homes  in  the  pub¬ 
lic  domain  ? 

Are  the  whites  in  the  South  so  io  love  wi& 
an  institution  which  impoverishes  them  and 
leaves  them  not  an  inch  of  soil  they  can  coll 
their  own,  that  they  would  make  war  upon  & 
President  and  a  government  which  invited  them 
to  a  rich  region  set  apart  for  them  and  their  pos¬ 
terity  that  they  may  escape  from  the  oppressive 
power  which  leaves  them  nothing  but  lifa?  If 
they  should  enlist  under  Vessrg.  Wise  and 
Brooks  to  destroy  the  Union  and  establish  slav¬ 
ery  i*  the  territories,  what  would  they  gain  by 
it  ?  Would  the  slave  owners  divide  their  slaves 
and  their  lands  with  them,  after  they  had  shed 
their  blood  to  extend  slave  gwav  over  the  free 
territories.  Or ‘it  is  certain,  in  the  slaveholders 
were  so  benevolently  inclined,  that  they  would 
be  able  to  retain  the  slaves  throughout  the  civil 
war  or  acquire  the  lands  for  which  they  fought? 
Who  can  doubt  but  that  the  mass  of  free  men 
of  the  South  would  prefer  acquiring  happy 
homes  in  the  rich  West  without  fighting  for 
them,  and  holding  them  under  the  shield  of  tbe 
Union,  than  enter  upon  the  hopeless  task  of 
conquering  them  for  the  slaveholders,  by  a  war 
on  the  government  of  the  Union,  supported  bv 
twenty-six  millions  of  freemen  in  the  North,  by 
their  wealth  and  by  all  the  wealth  of  the  world, 
which  the  credit  of  the  national  government 
could  command. 

I  ask  what  the  people  of  Maryland  would  re¬ 
ply  to  a  call  on  them  to  destroy  the  government, 
and  put  Messrs.  Wise  and  Brooks  in  possession 
of  its  remains?  Would  the  non-slaveholders 
and  their  posterity  give  ud  for  themselves  and 
their  posterity  their  share  in  the  rich  public  do¬ 
main,  which  they  may  have  without  price  and 

accompanying 
and  securing  it  to  them  for  the  glory  of  fighting 
battles  for  nullifying  gentry?  Will  the  slave¬ 
holders  of  Maryland  be  found  willing  to  make 
their  State  a  battle-field — break  up  the  seat  of 
government  at  Washington — the  commerce  of 
Baltimore,  and  bring  down  the  frontier  of  a  for¬ 
eign  government  to  the  State  boundary,  that  the 
slaves  may  have  only  an  ideal  line  to  dass  to  be 
secure  in  their  liberty  ?  Neither  the  slave-own¬ 
ers  nor  non-Rlaveholders  of  Maryland  will  join 
the  ranks  of  those  who  would  make  a  spoil  of 
their  blood  and  treasure,  to  satiate  the  partisan 
thirst  for  vengeance,  felt  by  such  men  as  Wise 
and  Brooks — or  their  eagerness  for  notoriety, 
power  or  plunder. 

Whoever  peruses,  with  a  careful  eye,  the  pas¬ 
sage  quoted  from  Fremont’s  address  to  his  coun¬ 
trymen,  will  see  where  the  interests  of  peace  lie, 


IS 


and  the  guaranty  for  its  security.  The  great 
body  of  our  people,  who  own  no  slaves,  will  see 
in  its  promises  happy  homes,  without  war,  and 
res  from  the  intrusion  of  an  institution  which 
undermines  them.  They  will  choose  whether 
they  and  tbeir  posterity  will  enjoy  the  territo¬ 
ries  of  th8  Union,  or  surreaderjthem  to  slavery. 

TUB  “  EQUALITY  OP  THE  STATES.” 

It  is  pretended  that  the  alternative  thus  held 
out,  and  on  which  the  votes  of  the  majority  of 
free  white  men  are  to  decide,  is  a  violation  or  the 
equality  of  States ;  and  on  this  ground  the  dis- 
se'atioa  of  the  Uaiou  is  tbrcatoh-.-d.  It  is  pro 
testa ed  that  if  *lavet*y  is  nqt  i;  fco  th' 

territories,  it  is  a  tirrong  r'  ?•.  •  •  r.' 


:  f  *:m  takic 
citizjps 
is  nt< 


n 

Well 


ih 


thoi! 
the 
ue. 

•th. 


c 

::  \  *1 

,r 


If 


a  r 


h:i  c: 

EO:).‘ 


the  South,  who  m  proe'h  i- 
p^sperty  with  tbs®,  wv c 
B  ft  a  are  cot  j»o  preclude*. 

Th  j  citizens  of  -the  Snot*?,  «- 

rr  n  r  ir' V©  r-  ***>  T~f'e’'  .  ’  V’  ' 

^  ^  l;*  i’  *  'Jf  ** 

tar  .  th.7:  peculiar  1 

wui  ■  ea®von«  this  j>r. 
to  m*  t*  it  available. 

York  syatt \>Qrir,n'.  every  r’*'-  ' 
its!,  eontsistisg  cf  ntpcVs  c 
ii.  ;  i  a  hank,  and  ir-rue  n7; 
et>  ct  seven  per  Cert.;  t i v '  l.:  cl  z,.<  of  New 
York  can  carry  his  bit.- ik,  v/.  .  d  the  privilegosto 
use  it,  m  given  .by  the  State  laws,  into  Krjtts. 
A  citizen  of  Virginia  may  carry  all  the  peo¬ 
ple  over  whom  ho  has  control  into  Kansas, 
but  he  cannot  use  there  the  power  over  them, 
he  holds  oaij  in  the  virtue  of  the  Yirginia  law. 
Slavery  is  a  local  institution.  It  is  more  than 
a  domestic  institution — it  is  a  voting  institution, 
and  a  monopolizing  institution,  absorbing  sove¬ 
reignty  over  both  the  State  Government  and  the 
soil.  It  can  exist  no  where  without  law.  There 
is  no  law  for  it  in  the  territories,  and  no  State 
ean  send  its  laws  with  it  to  establish  it  as  such. 
Atchison,  the  instrument  of  the  nullifiers,  was 
taught  this  by  his  employers.  They  knew  that 
they  could  neither  hold  the  Indians  in  Kansas, 
nor  the  poor  whites,  it  they  mastered  them 
there,  nor  the  poor  negroes  whom  they  had  nur¬ 
tured  in  slavery  as  slaves,  in  the  Territory 
There  was  no  law  for  it.  They  would  have  been 
liberated  at  once  on  an  appeal  to  the  Supreme 
Court.  The  slave  owners  therefore  would  not 
take  this  property  into  a  territory,  where  the 
institution  of  slavery  was  not  established  by 
law,  and  where  a  majority  of  the  settlers,  the 
legal  voters,  were  against  it.  The  nuilitiers  did 
not  then  take  it  into  a  territory,  but  employed 
the  power  of  the  institution  i*  an  adjoining 
State  to  embody  a  military  force  to  invade  the 
Territory,  to  drive  the  bona  fide  voters  from  the 
polls,  and  establish  a  legislature  representing  a 
people  not  in  the  Territory  ;  to  make  laws  creat¬ 
ing  the  institution  of  slavery,  which  is  to  absorb 
the  sovereignty  of  the  country  for  the  few  as¬ 
serting  the  character  of  masters.  This  usurpa¬ 
tion  was  set  up  by  Atchison,  by  fraud  and  force. 
And  it  has  provided  that  no  one  can  have  the 
rights  of  a  citizen  in  Kansas,  especially  the  right 
©f  suffrage,  who  does  not  swear  to  support  the 
laws  of  slavery  proclaimed  by  this  usurpation. 
President  Pierce  has  recognised  this  horrible 
outrage  upon  all  law,  a3  the  established  author 
ity  in  Kansas.  If  sustained,  it  will  establish 
■  slavery  there  by  the  right  of  conquest.  Bu¬ 
chanan  stands  pledged  to  sustain  it,  as  thePresv 
dent  has  dene  ;  and  the  is  ue  now  before  the 
oountry  is.  shall  Buchanan  be  elected  to  confirm 
the  conquest,  which  the  President,  who  design¬ 
ated  him  as  Liis  successor,  gives  the  sword  of  the 
Union  to  enforce ?  Can  aoy  man  believe  that 
peace  will  be  restored,  by  putting  in  power  a 
man  who  sanctions  such  violence? 


Another  pretence  for  dissolution  of  the  Union 
urged  by  Mr.  Brooks  and  his  compatriots,  is  the 
assumption  that  the  Republican  party  is  an 
abolition  party.  This  is  an  audacious  libel.  The 
Republican  party  put  out  its  manifesto  at  its  in¬ 
auguration  at  Pittsburg.  It  abjures  the  idea  of 
intermeddling  with  slavery  where  it  exists,  or 
interfering  with  it  in  any  State  which  may  here¬ 
after  establish  it.  It  insists  only  on  the  right  of 
Congress  to  legislate  on  the  subject  in  the  terri¬ 
tories — a  right  exerted  under  tbe  confederacy, 
recognised  and  established  by  the  constitution, 
and  effectuated  by  acts  of  Congress,  from  th® 
foundation  of  the  government  to  the  present 
hour,  ia  the formatiew  of  every  Territory  into 
an  ombroyo  Skvte  The  partisans  in  the  Senate 
of  that  m  ickery  of  all  law,  squatter  sovereignty, 

session,  in 
atrocity  of 
isws  making  it  felony  to 

CEAB3TJ  C?  ABOLITIONISM  REFUTED. 

I  w?.b  sit  f  •'  V~.  s,  member  of  the 


daiitted  the  psi<  rpie  at  the  last 
beiy  pi  dud  attempt  to  mitigate  tbe 


«?< 


.U^'SWOi 

th: 


tnittee  which  embodied 


&  member 
ia  form  the  prkei- 

lan  on  which  th»  itepublioa.ia  of  the  Union  ia- 
:  i!od  their  erg a.  It  ws«  designed  to 
o  age  so  “•he  jteaU?  x  .of  nuUificrs,  wielding  the 
Exeoutive  power  i:  overdraw  the  mete  solemn 
compacts  mr.ci:  be VAeea  .ha  States— to  destroy 
the  principles  of  the  Constitution,  and  to  found 
a  oligarchy  based  on  slavery  in  their  stead.  I 
can  safely  affirm  that  there  was  not  one  in  that 
Convention  who  looked  to  its  action  as  a  means 
of  abolishing  slavery  in  the  slave  States.  On 
tbe  contrary,  they  looked  to  its  action,  in  re¬ 
storing  the  pacification  which  bound  the  States 
together,  as  a  security  to  the  institution  in  the 
States  where  it  exists.  Every  man  must  now 
see  that  pacification  and  the  preservation  of  the 
Union  is  its  only  security.  It  is:weli  known  that 
civil  war,  in  a  nation  where  slavery  exists,  liber¬ 
ates  the  slaves.  The  civil  war  of  Marius  and  Scy- 
ila  liberated  the  slaves  in  Italy.  The  civil  war  in 
Mexico  and  of  the  South  American  republics, 
abolished  it  within  them.  The  States  invaded 
by  Bolivar  offered  freedom  to  all  the  slaves  who 
would  join  the  ranks  to  oppose  him.  Bolivar 
on  his  part  proclaimed  universal  emancipation 
to  recruit  his  ranks.  History  records  the  re¬ 
sult. 

As  a  member  of  the  Republican  Convention, 
I  can  say  with  confidence  that,  to  the  prevalent 
sense  of  that  body,  nothing  could  be  more  re¬ 
volting  than  the  general  manumission  of  the 
slaves  in  the  Seuth,  and  putting  them  on  a  level 
with  the  white  race. 

The  liberation  of  the  blacks,  under  existing 
circumstances,  is  known  to  be  impossible— that 
it  would  be  ruinous  to  their  owners— a  great 
evil  to  all  others  of  the  white  race,  and  fatal  to 
the  negroes,  who  would  perish  under  the  inteli- 
gence  and  energy  of  a  superior  race,  as  the  Nar- 
ragansetts,  Pequods  and  Mohicans  perished  un¬ 
der  it  in  another  quarter.  Humanity  for  the 
incapable  race  forbids  the  experiment,  and  jus¬ 
tice  to  both  clssses  of  the  superior  one  requires 
that  they  should  be  saved  from  the  hazards  of 
the  struggles  it  would  provoke. 

How  the  question  of  slavery  is,  in  the  tract  of 
time,  to  be  disposed  of,  depends  on  the  will  of 
the  government  of  the  States  having  it  in  charge. 
Natures’s  code,  written  in  the  heart,  will,  with 
the  progress  of  Christianity  and  civilization, 
work  out  a  happy  result.  It  may  gradually  go 
out  southward,  and  an  improved  race  of  blacks 
appear  as  a  colony  of  our  country  within  the 
tropics  of  South  America.  Amalgamation  or 
equality  with  our  race  ia  the  same  government 
ia  impossible. 


14 


PRACTICAL  SYMPATHY  JO*  POOR  WHIT*  M*H. 

Mj  neighbors  know  that  my  declarations 
against  sweeping  abolition  are  sincere.  They 
know  that  I  own  slaves,  some  inherited  anc 
some  that  have  begged  their  way  into  my  house 
from  the  slave-pen ;  and  while  that  my  course 
in  submitting  to  this  encumbrance  is  character 
iaed  by  humanity,  they  have  proof  in  my  con¬ 
duct,  that  so  far  from  using  it  to  degrade  my 
own  flesh,  and  blood  in  the  persons  of  those  who 
toil  with  their  hands  for  a  living,  and  to  bring 
them  to  the  condition  to  which  the  Democracy 
speaking  through  the  Richmond  press,  would 
assign  them,  that  my  best  effoits  have  been  to 
counteract  this  tendency  of  the  system.  My 
strongest  sympathies  are  for  the  laboring  white 
man.  Under  this  feeling,  and  believing  it  the 
best  mode  of  gradually  superceding  slavery  in 
the  cultivation  of  the  soil,  I  have  employed  free 
labor  for  the  most  part  in  my  farming  and  with 
the  happiest  consequences. 

Of  the  neighbors  whom  I  employed  to  assist 
me  in  opening  and  in  the  cultivation  and  im¬ 
provement  of  my  farm,  too,  who  hold  no  land, 
now  possess  little  farms  and  comfortable  home¬ 
steads  of  their  own  in  fee  simple.  If  instead  of 
free  labor,  I  had  purchased  and  employed  ne¬ 
groes  in  my  cultivation,  I  might  have  added 
from  the  profits,  all  these  homesteads  to  my  own 
domain  and  exhibited  a  wide-spread  scene  of 
wasting  African  agriculture.  Now  the  whole 
neighborhood  is  dotted  with  neat  and  thriving 
farms  and  cottages,  and  the  land  which  sold  for 
ten,  fifteen  and  twenty  dollars  an  acre  when  I 
began  to  open  my  farm  thirteen  years  ago,  now 
sells  for  from  sixty  to  one  hundred  and  some 
times  more.  I  do  not  mention  this  to  assert  my 
claims  on  my  neighbors.  They  have  done  more 
for  me  than  I  for  them.  I  state  facts  to  recom¬ 
mend  a  system.  The  general  benefit  every  one 
admits.  One  of  the  orators  who  came  from  the 
city  to  denounce  me  under  the  crown  of  Old 
Buck’s  horns,  set  up  to  overlook  my  precincts, 
complimented  him  on  the  great  improvement  of 
the  scene  around  him,  but  said,  fixing  his  eye  on 
my  home,  that  his  heart  sunk  within  him  when 
he  reflected  that  it  belonged  to  “  an  arch  traitor, 
and  then  it  was  that  he  summoned  the  lightning 
to  blast  me. 

SMALL  FARMS  ABSORBED  BY  GREAT  PLANTATIONS. 

The  system  of  small  tenements  and  free  labor 
can  alone  confer  beauty  and  strength  on  an  ina 
po  verished  region.  Even  the  rich  soii  of  Ken¬ 
tucky,  the  beautiful  luxuriance  of  which  it  is  ul 
most  impossible  to  destroy,  cannot  prevent  the 
comparative  weakness  that  awaits  a  State  which 
turns  away  free  labor,  and  sends  it  to  build  up 
rival  free  States  in  the  West.  Example  will  il¬ 
lustrate.  I  have  three  relatives  in  Kentucky, 
honest,  benevolent,  most  estimable  men,  who, 
when  I  left  the  State,  were  farmers  on  a  limited 
scale.  Within  twenty  years  one  has  bought  up 
ten  of  the  farms  around  him,  another  twelve, 
another  fifteen,  in  the  heart  of  Woodford  and 
Fayette.  Handsome  edifices,  once  the  homes  of 
families  numbering  a  multitude,  scattered  over 
the  country,  are  now  occupied  as  granaires,  a 
small  one  here  and  there  inhabited  by  an  over 
seer.  The  population  is  gone,  the  3chool-houses 
are  deserted,  the  churches  have  no  coogrega 
tions,  and  yet  the  country  is  beautiful,  clothed 
with  grass,  covered  with  herds  of  the  finest  cat¬ 
tle,  mules,  and  horses  in  the  world.  The  corn 
fields  for  the  support  of  this  quadruped  popula¬ 
tion  in  winter  are  worked  by  slaves.  The  rain 
and  sunshine  that  makes  the  grass  grow,  pro¬ 
vides  for  them  in  summer  as  it  does  in  the  pam¬ 
pas  of  the  South  America  that  create  the  living 
•wealth  of  those  solitudes.  The  white  population 


banished  by  this  species  ef  engrossing  enHcra- 
tion  hayea  right  to  the  territories  reserved  bgr 
the  compact  for  free  labor.  And  are  not  the 
people  farther  south,  who  have  no  hold  on  the 
soil  there  also  to  be  secure  of  a  home  somewhere? 
On  a  multitude  of  the  great  plantations  ia  the 
South  free  labor  is  entirely  dispensed  with.  They 
have  not  only  their  blacksmith,  but  their  black 
carpenter,  wheelwright,  plasterer  and  painter  * 
and  where  are  all  the  white  mechanics  to  go  £ 
and  where  are  the  white  laborers  who  are  al¬ 
ready  driven  to  the  hilts  to  live  by  hunting  fish¬ 
ing  and  robbing — as  Gov,  Hammond,  of  South 
Carolina,  tells  us — where  are  they  to  go  if  sla¬ 
very  in  the  new  territories  is  to  pursue  them 
with  the  same  fate?  I  hope  my  neighbors  witt 
pardon  me  when  I  proclaim  it,  that  my  feelings 
and  judgment  alike  actuate  me  to  fight  the  bat¬ 
tle  for  the  rights  of  the  white  cultivator  of  the 
soil  and  the  white  mechanic,  against  all  who 
would  pursue  him  into  the  new  territories  with 
the  institution  which  drives  them  out  from  those 
“little  communities,”  at  the  head  of  which, 
reigns  a  master,  who,  with  his  fellows,  the  or¬ 
gans  of  democracy  in  the  South  tell  us  constitute 
the  state.  Your  fellow-citizen,  F.  P.  Blais. 
Silver  Springs ,  September  17. 

- —  ♦  — - 

LETTER  FROM  JUDGE  EPHRAIM  MARSH. 


Gentlemen:  Having  been  constrained  by  the 
course  of  public  events,  occurring  since  the 
meeting  of  the  American  National  ConventioM 
ay  which  Hon.  Millard  Fillmore  was  nominated 
for  President  of  the  United  States,  over  which 
convention  I  had  the  honor  to  preside,  to  re¬ 
nounce  that  nomination,  you,  as  my  colleagues 
in  that  convention,  are  entitled  to  my  reasons 
for  so  doing,  and  I  proceed,  briefly  but  frankly, 
to  state  them. 

It  was  known  to  my  friends  at  Philadelphia, 
that  the  Pro-Slavery  platform  there  adopted,  and 
which  drove  so  many  Northern  delegates  front 
the  convention,  was  repugnant  to  my  sentiments 
and  sympathies.  But  confiding  in  the  sym¬ 
pathies  of  Mr.  Fillmore,  who,  in  the  Legislature 
of  New  York  and  in  Congress,  had  ever  acted 
with  the  friends  of  freedom,  I  acquiesced  in  an 
exceptionable  platform.  In  view  of  the  per¬ 
fidious  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  and 
.he  aggressions  and  outrages  perpetrated  by 
Missourians  upon  Kansas,  with  more  than  the 
approval  of  the  General  Government,  I  looked 
(or  some  expression  of  the  sentiments  which 
pervaded  the  whole  North — sentiments  that  Mr. 
Fillmore  had  ever  professed — in  his  letter  of 
acceptance.  But  in  this  expectation  I  was  dis¬ 
appointed.  There  was  a  studied  and  significant 
avoidance  in  that  letter,  of  the  question  upon 
which  he  knew,  as  we  all  know,  the  Presidential 
election  is  to  be  decided,  either  in  favor  of  or 
against  slavery-extension.  Nor  was  I  less  dis¬ 
appointed  in  finding  the  friends  of  Mr.  Fillmore 
in  Congress  voting  steadily,  throughout  a  pro¬ 
tracted  session,  with  the  supporters  of  aggres¬ 
sion  and  outrage  in  Kansas,  and  persisting  in 
such  votes  after,  by  the  report  of  the  Kansas 
Congressional  Committee,  it  had  irrefragably 
proven  that  the  elections  in  Kansas  had  been 
carried  by  armed  bodies  of  men  from  Missouri; 
that  an  infamous  code  of  Territorial  Laws  h&4 
been  enacted  in  Kansas  by  Missourians;  that 
>ee  presses  in  Kansas  had  been  destroyed  by 
Missourians;  that  settlers  in  Kansas  had 
been  robbed  and  murdered  by  the  Missourians; 
that  organised  and  armed  bodieB  of  men  from 
Missouri  and  ether  slave  States  had  sworn,  ia 
•secret  societies,  that  Ktraacus  shsll  beeeaee  e 
slave  State;  and  flo&fiy,  that  all  these  outrage 


15 


were  penetrated  with  the  aid  and  approbation 
of  a  United  States  Judge  and  Marshal,  and  in 
the  presence  of  the  United  States  troops.  But 
these  great  wrongs,  though  arousing  the  just 
indignation  of  freemen,  hare  elicited  no  word  of 
reproof  from  Mr.  Fillmore.  On  the  contrary, 
in  his  speech  at  Albany,  he  astounded  the  coun¬ 
try  in  declaring  that  the  election  of  Col.  Fre¬ 
mont,  by  the  spontaneous  suffrages  of  a  major¬ 
ity  of  the  Republic,  would  occasion  a  dissolu¬ 
tion  of  the  Union.  And  up  to  the  last  vote  in 
the  called  session  of  Congress,  when  the  friends 
of  freedom  endeavored,  in  the  army  appropria¬ 
tion  bill,  to  protect  the  citizens  of  Kansas  by 
the  adoption  of  a  conservative  proviso,  Hon. 
Mr.  Haven,  the  confidential  partner  of  and  par¬ 
tisan  of  Mr.  Fillmore,  voted  with  the  pro  sla¬ 
very  majority.  Indeed,  since  the  commence¬ 
ment  of  thejust  closed  session  of  Congress,  sla¬ 
very  has  not  obtained  an  advantage  that  it  did  not 
owe  to  the  votes  of  Mr.  Fillmore’s  friends:  nor 
has  freedom  encountered  a  defeat  that  did  not 
come  from  the  same  quarter  of  the  House  of 
Representatives.  His  friends,  holding  the  bal¬ 
ance  of  power,  turned  the  scale,  when  it  would 
turn  in  favor  of  slavery. 

And  where,  or  in  what  respect,  has  Mr.  Fill¬ 
more  profited,  politically,  by  all  these  sacrifices 
of  principle? — all  these  violations  of  duty — all 
these  surrenders  of  independence — all  this  self- 
abasement?  What  has  been  gained  by  barter¬ 
ing  Freedom  for  Slavery  ? 

His  nomination,  as  you  know,  was  demanded 
by  our  Southern  brethren,  who  would  only  con¬ 
sent,  even  to  his  nomination,  upon  terms  that 
drove  most  of  the  Northern  delegates  out  of  the 
Convention.  It  was  painfully  apparent,  in  the 
deliberations  of  our  Convention,  that  Ameri- 
eanism  was  but  a  secondary  object.  Slavery 
was  with  them  the  paramount  consideration. 
While,  for  the  sake  of  the  broad  American  prin¬ 
ciples  that  had  taken  deep  hold  of  the  public 
mind,  we  were  prepared  to  ignore  the  slavery 
question,  they  insisted  upon  making  it,  and  did 
make  it,  the  primary  article  of  faith  in  our  plat¬ 
form. 

And  how,  after  imposing  terms  which  have 
shorn  the  American  party  of  its  Northern 
streBgth,  do  the  South  Americans  act?  Have 
they  kept  or  broken  faith  with  us  ?  In  North 
Carolina,  whose  election  is  just  over,  the  Amer¬ 
ican  party  is  virtually  disbanded.  Hon.  Mr. 
Puryear,  an  American  member  of  Congress 
from  that  State,  concedes  the  State  to  Mr.  Bu¬ 
chanan,  though,  aside  from  slavery,  there  iB  an 
acknowledged  majority  against  him. 

In  Kentucky,  where  was  one  year  ago  a  tri 
nmphant  American  majority, our  party  is  beaten, 
if  not  annihilated.  Col.  Humphrey  Marshall,  a 
gallant  leader,  seems  to  have  nailed  his  col¬ 
ors  to  the  mass,  but  that  only  proves  that  he  is 
faithful  among  the  faithless.” 

The  Hon.  Mr.  Walker,  of  Alabama,  a  member 
of  our  Convention,  who  was  among  the  most 
sealous  advocates  of  Mr.  Fillmore’s  nomination, 
has,  from  his  seat  in  Congress,  proclaimed  his 
abandonment  of  Mr.  Fillmore,  and  hig  adhesion 
to  Mr.  Bushanan.  Senator  Jones  of  Ten 
nessee,  with  Senators  Pratt  and  Pearce,  of  Ma¬ 
ryland,  life-long  opponents  of  the  Democratic 

Cirty,  have  proclaimed  themselves  in  favor  o' 
r.  Buchanan,  and  now  stand  aloDg  with  Sena 
tors  Cass,  Douglas,  Atchison,  &c.,  upon  the  Cin¬ 
cinnati  platform.  Tt hers  has  been,  xtrUMn  the  last 
Horse  months ,  and  since  the  issue  which  is  is  gist 
freedom  to,  or  foree  slavery  into  Kansas,  wat 
wde  up,  a  regular  poKtisal  stampede  from  th< 
JBdmthern  Whig  and  Amorists*  parties  otter  to  th< 
support  of  Mr ,  3ueha*tm, 


Now  what,  let  me  inquire,  does  all  this  mean  ? 
Mr.  Fillmore,  as  you  well  know, .was  the  nomi¬ 
nee  of  Southern  States.  Those  delegates  were 
not  only  for  him,  but  would  take  none  else. 
Why,  then,  do  they  abandon  him?  Simply  be¬ 
cause  they,  having  but  one  interest  in  politics, 
and  watchfully  consulting  the  political  barome¬ 
ter,  are  guided  by  its  suggestions.  They  calcu¬ 
late  the  chances  and  the  cost  of  a  Presidential 
election.  The  platform  upon  which  they  placed 
Mr.  Fillmore  offended  Northern  sentiment.  The 
action  in  Congress  and  the  events  in  Kansas  have 
awakened  throughout  the  North  and  West  an  in¬ 
dignation  so  deep  and  pervading  as  to  deprive  Mr. 
Fillmore  of  the  votes  of  every  free  State.  T® 
qualify  himself  for  acceptance  in  slave  Btates, 
Mr.  Fillmore  had  to  take  ground  which  necessa¬ 
rily  repelled  the  free  States;  and  having  thug 
lost  the  North,  the  South,  for  that  reason,  aban¬ 
dons  him.  In  this  the  South  acts  understaad- 
ingly,  and  is  true  to  herself.  Mr.  Fillmore  be¬ 
came  valueless  to  slavery  the  moment  it  was 
certain  that  he  could  not  subsidize  the  North. 
And  although  abandoned  by  those  who  nomina¬ 
ted  him,  neither  Mr.  Fillmore  nor  his  friends  can 
justly  charge  the  South  with  bad  faith,  for  the 
terms  of  the  compact  were  distinctly  understood. 
They  aimed,  with  Americanism  as  a  cover,  t® 
extend  slavery.  He  was  to  bring  Northern 
strength.  Unable  from  the  stringency  of  the 
terms  imposed,  and  the  enormity  of  the  outrages 
perpetrated  in  Kansas  to  do  that,  the  considera¬ 
tion  failed,  and  the  South  declares  for  Buchan¬ 
an  instead  of  Fillmore,  as  the  most  available 
candidate.  If,  therefore,  the  South,  as  it  has 
done  whenever  a  “  Northern  man  with  South¬ 
ern  principles”  ceases  to  be  useful,  lets  Mr. 
Fillmore  “  slide,”  he  must  console  himself,  as 
did  Cardinal  Wolsey,  witq  the  reflection  that,  if 
he  “  had  served  Freedom  with  half  the  zeal  he 
has  given  to  slavery,  he  would  not  now  be  left 
naked  to  his  enemies.”  Nor  is  this  poetic 
truth  only,  for  while  serving  freedom  no  man 
was  more  honored  and  prospered  than  Millard 
Fillmore ;  rising,  as  he  did,  from  station  to  sta¬ 
tion,  higher  and  higher  and  higher  in  the  State 
and  National  Governments,  and  erjoying,  until 
tempted  by  ambition  to  abandon  his  principles 
and  party,  universal  regard  and  confidence. 

Shall  we  of  the  North,  then,  be  required  t® 
adhere  to  a  nomination  which  has  been  deliber¬ 
ately  abandoned  by  the  South  ?  Shall  we 
cling  to  Mr.  Fillmore  after  those  most  earnest 
for  his  nomination  are  supporting  Mr.  Buchan¬ 
an  ? 

This  is  the  practical  question.  Let  us,  there¬ 
fore,  look  it  practically  in  the  face: 

Even  in  the  present  state  of  the  canvass,  alt 
but  one  or  two  of  the  Southern  States  are  not 
only  sure  to  vote  for  Mr.  Buchanan,  but  are 
made  sure  by  the  votes  of  the  Southern  Ameri¬ 
cans  who  were  pledged  to  Mr.  Fillmore.  As  the 
canvass  progresses,  and  Northern  sentiment  de¬ 
velops  and  concentrates  in  favor  of  Col.  Fre¬ 
mont,  the  remaining  one  or  two  Southern  States 
will  declare  unmistakably  for  Mr.  Buchanan, 
on  whom  the  South  will  be  united. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  Free  States  with  the 
exception  of  New  Jersy  and  Pennsylvania,  have 
or  in  the  progress  of  the  canvass  will,  declare 
for  Fremont. 

The  nominees  of  the  American  party,  aban- 
loned  by  the  South,  though  espousing  its  prin¬ 
ciples,  and  repudiated  by  the  Narth  beoauss  of 
ts  subserving  to  the  South,  is  driven  into  New 
Jersey  and  Pennsylvania,  two  States  upon  whiok 
cis  friend*  hang  a  “  forlorn  hope.”  But  4®e« 
Mr.  Fiilmor#,  or  any  sac#  »aD,  sapp»3«  or  pre- 


tend  that  he  can  carry  either  of  these  States ! 
Assuredly  not. 

It  is  certain,  however,  and  it  is  conceded,  that 
a  union  of  the  Americans  and  Republicans,  in 
both  States,  would  take  them  from  Buchanan 
and  carry  them  where  they  belong,  into  brother 
hood  and  fraternity  with  Freedom. 

May  I  not,  then,  relying  upon  the  patriotism 
of  my  American  friends,  appeal  to  them  with 
confidence  in  favor  of  Union  here  in  mv  own 
State,  and  in  our  sister  State  of  Pennsylvania, 
for  the  sake  of  that  glorious  Union  which  we  all 
love  and  cherish  as  an  inheritance  more  precious 
than  any  other  gift,  though  incumbered,  t,s  ocr- 
lions  of  it  necessarily  were,  with  Slavery  ?  Doee 
any  obs  tel),  me  in  reply  that  our  Amei  iciu  priu- 
«i  forbid  this  union  ?  Of  £ n  :-b,  i  •  i  :?  c '  i  a 

.  wk  lias  been  done,  o*  on  :ht  to  l- .  done,  by 
8a  i  urn  Amen.  *ns  in  0  ..  M  c~.  ~r  o  t 

cti:  principles ?  HavotVi  y  y  -i;  •.  ,  - i  -'/up  i.v'- 

io  ;  *  «,  any  i.,wa  up  t  .  •  .  ,  ,? 

0:  nr  not  their  v  -  ..  .  vo  -  * 

gi  -  sanhtanuy  ia  f-:  /or  o'’  at  .  •  -  ioi.?  . 
ii..'.'  to  unit?  with  ria  i.  c :  »  K.*s> 

sc  only  is.-ice  u-.v»lv.  v  il.\  coerce.;,) 

Anxorisaaa  in  No  ,t  Jci^-sy „  r  P-.’v  :  ylvaaia  vr 
with  their,  eyes  open  t  the  j.aevi?.abl&  ler.uH, 
aiding  Mr.  Buchanan,  v.iic  :s  ITatione)  and  State 
platforms  contain  op.m  denunciations  of  the 
American  party,  to  carry  these  States.  Yc-s, 
nothing  is  more  certain  than  that  New  Jersey 
and  Pennsylvania  can  elect  or  defeat  Mr.  Bu¬ 
chanan.  The  responsibility  either  way  rests 
with  Americans.  We  can  beat  or  be  beaten  by 
the  party  that  is  avowedly  hostile  to  Freedom 
and  to  Americanism.  We  cannot  elect  Mr.  Fill- 
more,  and  for  one,  after  the  course  pursued  in 
Congress  by  hi3  immediate  representatives;  af¬ 
ter  his  own  disloyal  declarations  in  favor  of  a  dis 
solution  of  the  Union  in  the  event  of  Col.  Fre¬ 
mont’s  election,  I  am  free  to  say  I  do  not  desire 
his  success. 

I  have  heard  but  two  tangible  reasons  urged 
against  Col.  Fremont.  The  first  is  that  he  is  a 
sectional  candidate.  This  is  neither  his  fault, 
or  the  fault  of  those  who  support  him.  The  re¬ 
peal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  was  a  nations, 
question  and  a  national  wrong. 

The  extension  of  slavery  beyond  its  constitu¬ 
tional  boundary  is  a  national  question.  If,  at 
in  the  repeal  of  that  compromise,  national  com 
pacts  were  violated,  may  not  the  people  seek 
national  redress?  In  what  way,  or  by  what 
means,  can  that  wrong  be  righted  but  in  a  con 
stitutional  manner,  through  the  ballot  boxes? 
The  freedom  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska  wa3  vio 
lated  by  the  action  of  the  executive  and  legisla¬ 
tive  departments  of  the  Government.  May  we 
not,  without  incurring  the  reproach  of  sectional 
ism,  endeavor  to  re-establish  Freedom  in  those 
Territories,  by  reforming  the  executive  and  legis 
lative  departments? 

The  other  objection  t©  Mr.  Fremont  addresses 
itself  particularly  to  Americans.  It  is  alleged 
that  he  is  a  Roman  Catholic.  The  force  of  this 
objection  depends  upon  its  truth  or  falsity.  It 
is  a  simp’e  quesnon  of  fact.  The  charge  origin¬ 
ated  in  the  New  York  Express,  anil  rested  upon 
the  declaration  of  Alderman  Fulmer,  who  says 
that  when  at  Brown’s  Hotel,  in  Washington,  in 
the  winter  of  185B,  he  saw  Col.  Fremont  wor¬ 
shipping  ia  a  Catholic  church ;  that  he  con¬ 
versed  with  the  Colonel  on  the  subject  of  reli¬ 
gion  ;  and  that  he  defended  the  extreme  doc 
trinos  of  the  Romish  Church.  By  reference  to 
the  columns  of  the  same  Exc  ess,  it  is  shown 
that  Col.  Fremont  was,  during  the  whole  of  tht 
time  Alderman  Fulmer  locates  him  at  Washing 
ton,  on  board  of  ocean  steamers.  An  examin¬ 


ation  of  the  register  and  cash  books  of  Brown’s 
Hotel,  show  that  Col.  Fremont  was  not,  daring 
the  years  of  1852  and  1853,  at  that  hotel.  Here 
is  conclusive,  independent  evidence,  that  Aider- 
man  Fulmer  is  mistaken.  This  testimony  is 
confirmed  by  Col.  Fremont’s  denial  ef  the  whole 
story.  The  archives  of  the  Episcopal  church  at 
Washington  show  that  Col.  Fremont’s  children 
had  Proteatentbabtiam.  Mr.  Livingston,  who 
was  Col.  Fremont’s  companion  across  the  Rocky 
Mountains,  says  that  be  carried  with  them  a 
pocket  Protestant  Bible.  He  preheated  his  wife 
with  &  Protestant  prayer  back  before  their  mar¬ 
riage. 

His  preeepfor  /s*ys  that;  he  received  a  Protas- 
taj.t  cducfE.tion.  Col.  Fremont  says  to  every¬ 
body  tkr.t  inquire  *  of  hi  -n,  that  ho  is  and  has 
ever  lasa  a  Product.  And  jot,  net  only  in 
‘  i  s  s-.hr.  r«e  of  ail  teed-imonv,  but  after  every  al- 
I  h*~  hsrv  di  ^rav:  it  iht-je  who  fabrioa- 

•  •*  to  k  .  '  .  *  ■;  ( iu  .  194,  and  I  am 

.  /  to  ti.  t  I'.ifl-j  .  .’i./f  intelligent,  honest 

-i  c  .  o  evide.oe  to 

.  r.  ■  •-  r  ^  j  the  word  in  his  month 

J  i.'--  i  ,-p,  -  -  j>  taiii,  Col.  F.  is  ft  Papist. 

Ii  Viis  yon  rul.  rant  ember,  by  many  of 

'*>■•’  frir-iad «ip hi  ^.le'pcr.a,  that  Mr.  Fillmore’s 
_  me  would  be  us-- i  at  da* 'South  merely  to  di¬ 
vide  the  frienaa  effi  eQdom  at  the  North.  I  did 
not  believe  it  then,  nor  do  I  know  that  such  was 
their  design,  but  that  Mr.  Fillmore’s  name  is 
now  only  used  for  that  purpose  is  transparently 
certain.  Nor  should  this  surprise  us,  for  it  is 
just  what  the  past  has  often  revealed. 

Mr.  Yaa  Buren,  who  for  thirty  years  was  de¬ 
voted  to  the  South,  hesitated  about  the  admis¬ 
sion  of  Texas,  and  was  thrown  overboard. 

Gen.  Pierce,  literally  used  up  in  promoting 
the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  and  in 
sustaining  border-ruffianism,  was  remorselessly 
sacrificed  at  Cincinnati  by  the  South  for  “an 
older,  if  not  better”  doughface,  whom  they  hope 
to  elect.  Differ  as  they  may  and  do  in  relation 
to  all  other  questions,  on  this,  every  extreme  of 
shads  and  sentiment  and  op  aion  unite.  They 
regard  the  Bank — the  Tariff— the  Public  Domain, 
&c.,  &c.,  subordinate  questions,  and  differ  upon 
them ;  but  in  voting  upon  the  annexation  of 
Texas — the  admission  of  California  free — the 
Fugitive  Slave  law — the  repeal  of  the  Missouri 
Compromise,  Ac.,  &e.,  they  always  unite;  or  if 
a  Southern  member  gives  a  wrong  vote,  like 
Cullum  of  Tennessee,  and  Hunt  of  Louisiana, 
they  are  shot  down.  Why,  then,  should  they 
not,  as  they  have,  make  their  Americanism  sub¬ 
servient  to  their  slavery  ?  If,  therefore,  Mr.  Bu¬ 
chanan  should  be  elected,  I  see  no  end  to  the 
encroachments  and  usurpationa  of  tee  Slave 
Power— and  hence  I  shail  neither  vote  for  him, 
uor  throw  my  vote  away.  In  a  contest  which  is 
to  determine  whether  Slavery  or  Freedom  is  to 
be  the  governing  principle  of  this  Republic,  I 
choose  to  cast  my  vote  where  it  will  tell  for  Free¬ 
dom.  These  considerations  lead  me  to  the  sup¬ 
port  of  the  Republican  nominees  for  President 
and  Vice  President,  not  because  I  am  less  an 
American  than  when  our  National  Convention 
assembled,  hut-  because  those  by  whom  Mr.  Fill¬ 
more  was  nominated,  from  Southern  States, 
have  abandoned  him  for  ,'a  candidate  openly 
and  avowedly  arrayed  against  the  American 
party,  thus  sacrificing  for  slavery  both  their 
candidate  and  their  Americanism  :  and  because, 
furthermore,  by  voting  for  Mr.  Fillmore,  while 
the  contest  is  between  Buchanan  and  Fremont, 
l  should  indirectly  aid  the  former,  whose  prin¬ 
ciples,  as  an  anti- American  and  slavery-exten- 
sionist,  are  obnoxious  to  all  my  conviction#  of 
duty.  EpuaA.m  Marsb. 


# 


